A gentleman of the same name, “Master Daniel Gookin,”- (as he
is styled,) accompanied by “fifty men of his own, and thirty passengers,
well provided, arrived out of Ireland,” in Virginia, Nov. 22d, 1621.
He was one of twenty-six persons, to whom patents of lands were granted in
that year, and who are said to “have undertaken to transport great
multitudes of people and cattle to Virginia.” 2 Having
fulfilled his contract with the Virginia Company, by bringing them cattle
and other supplies from Ireland, he settled in the colony at a place called
Newport's News. 3 This gentleman
is stated by several writers to have been the father of General Gookin;
but the only circumstances authorizing even a conjecture to that effect,
are the identity of name, and the fact that both lived in Virginia. A circumstance
of an opposite character has been already alluded to, which seems to imply
that Gookin had acquired his knowledge of arms in Kent; but, had he gone
to Virginia with his father in 1621, when only about nine years of age, and
remained there until his removal to New England, as is supposed, he could
not well have borne arms in Kent.
The Non-conformists were banished from Virginia in 1643; and in the following
year, an “Indian Massacre” occurred in the same colony. “Upon
these troubles,” says Governor Winthrop, writing at that period, “divers
godly disposed persons came from thence to New England.” A ship containing
a party of these exiles arrived at Boston, May 20th, 1644; and, as Gookin
was admitted a freeman of the Colony on the 29th of the same month, he is
supposed to have arrived in that ship.4 He
resided at first in Boston, and subsequently in Cambridge, where he was placed
in command of the military force of the town. It seems probable from this
circumstance that he brought with him some reputation for skill in the art
of war, especially since he is described by a contemporary historian as “a
very forward man to advance martial discipline.” At a subsequent date,
he was elected to the office of Major-General, or Commander-in-chief of the
Colony; the governor at that period exercising no military command.
Soon after his settlement in Cambridge, Gookin was elected by the freemen
of that town to represent them in the General Court, and, in 1651, he was
chosen Speaker of the House of Deputies. The succeeding year, he became an
assistant, or one of the general magistrates of the Colony. But the office
to which he devoted the energies of the residue of a long life, was that
of Superintendent of the Indians within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.
With the exception of two or three years passed in England, during the ascendency
of Oliver Cromwell, he sustained this relation towards the Indians of the
colony from the date of his first appointment in 1656, to his death, a period
of more than thirty years. In conjunction with the excellent Eliot, he watched
over their interests with the most unwearied care and anxiety, and sought
every means to spread among them the blessings of civilization and Christianity.
The Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England, who were the agents
of an English Corporation for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, recommended,
in one of their despatches to the government of the corporation, that a pecuniary
allowance should be made to Gookin for his useful labors. “We have
spoken,” they write, “with Mr. Eliot and others, concerning Captain
Gookin's employment among the Indians, in governing of them in several plantations,
ordering their town affairs (which they are not able to do themselves), taking
account of their labor and expense of their time, and how their children
profit in their learning, with many things of a like nature, and find it
is to be of much use and benefit to them, and therefore could not but desire
him to go on in that work, and have ordered £15 to be paid him towards
his expenses for the year past.” This letter was dated at Boston, Sept.
18th, 1663. The recommendation was approved by the Corporation, who directed
a similar sum to be paid to Mr. Gookin for another year. 5
Unfortunately, however, the policy adopted by Gookin towards the Indians
did not at all times escape the censure of the public; for, during the troubles
that arose from the aggressions of the hostile tribes, the people could with
difficulty be restrained from involving in one common destruction the whole
race; and, while it required the most determined spirit on the part of the
Superintendent to stem the torrent of popular violence, he did not fail to
draw on himself undeserved odium and reproach. Gookin was eminently the friend
of the Indians, and never hesitated to interpose his own safety between the
infuriated white man, and the unoffending object of his vengeance. But the
following pages will tell the story with the guileless simplicity of truth,
and the sober dignity of conscious rectitude.
There is some satisfaction in knowing, that, during the latter part of his
active career, Gookin enjoyed a full return of public favor and confidence.
The same unshaken spirit of resistance to oppression, that had led him to
protect the sons of the forest against popular injustice, again animated
him when the agents of the Crown invaded the chartered rights of the Colony; but in this contest his zealous efforts were rewarded by the smiles of
general approbation.
He died at Cambridge, on the 19th of March, 1687, aged seventy-five years.
A handsome monument was erected to his memory in the churchyard adjacent
to the University, where he lies buried. He left three sons, one of whom
was Sheriff of the County of Middlesex, and the others were reputable clergymen.
One of his posterity, bearing the name of Daniel Gookin, was an officer in
the American army during the Revolutionary war. There are now living, in
various parts of the country, numerous lineal descendants of General Gookin,
of the fifth and sixth generation.
Beside the present work, Gookin wrote a history of New England, which was
never printed, and is now probably lost. The original manuscript, and only
copy of it, is supposed to have been destroyed in the dwelling-house of his
son, at Sherburne, Mass., which, with its contents, was consumed by fire.
Another work, entitled “Historical Collections of the Indians in New
England,” &c., was first published by the Massachusetts Historical
Society, in 1792.
For their MS. copy of the present work, the Antiquarian Society are indebted
to Mr. JARED SPARKS, the learned editor of the WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON, and
other valuable works, well known to the public. The following letter from
Mr. Sparks to a member of the Council of the Society, contains all the information
relating to the original MS. that has been obtained.
LETTER OF MR. SPARKS.
“Cambridge,
Sept. 4th, 1835.
“DEAR SIR,
“The Rev. Dr. Harris has requested me to state to you what
I know respecting the manuscript letter of Daniel Gookin to Robert Boyle, on
the Praying Indians, which is about to be printed by the Antiquarian
Society. I have very little knowledge of the matter. Five years ago, I obtained
the manuscript from the Rev. Mr. Campbell, of Pittsburg, who had recently brought
it from England. It was put into his hands by a clergyman in that country. Mr.
Campbell loaned it to me. A copy was taken, and the original was returned to
him. It bore every mark of antiquity, and I have no doubt of its genuineness.
The manuscript was examined by Mr. Savage and Dr. Harris, who were also satisfied
that the letter was written by Gookin. In short, the internal evidence is of
itself a sufficient proof. Mr. Campbell told me that he had promised to return
the original to its owner in England.
“I
am, Sir, very respectfully,
“Your
obedient servant,
“JARED SPARKS.
“JOSEPH WILLARD,
Esq.,
Boston.”
The notes to the work have been chiefly supplied by Mr. Samuel G. Drake,
of Boston, author of THE BOOK OF THE INDIANS,
(of which the fifth edition has recently appeared,) to whom the Publishing
Committee would here express their obligations.
The valuable documents immediately succeeding the History, it is believed,
are now for the first time printed. The originals were furnished to the Committee
by Mr. Lemuel Shattuck, of Boston, author of
a History of the Town of Concord.
PUBLISHING COMMITTEE.
EPISTLE DEDICATORY
For the Honorable ROBERT BOYLE, Esq., Governor of the
Right Honorable Corporation for Gospelizing the Indians in New England.
Right Honorable : A few years since I presumed to transmit to your honors
a few historical collections concerning the Indians in New England, especially
the Christian or Praying Indians, which script (as things then stood) was
a true account of that matter. And were I to write it again (as things were
then circumstanced), I could not add or diminish from the substance of it.1 But
since the war began between the barbarous heathen and the English, the state
of affairs is much altered with respect to the poor Christian Indians, who
are much weakened or diminished, especially in the colony of Massachusetts
in New England. A true, impartial narrative whereof, and of their doings
and sufferings and present condition, I have endeavoured to collect, and
here humbly to offer
for your Honors' perusal, who are, under God, as nursing fathers to this
despised orphan : the reason of this my undertaking is intimated in the first
page. All that is defective is the inability and unworthiness of the penman.
I humbly entreat your honors to pardon my boldness and weakness, and accept
of the matter clothed in a wilderness dress, yet I trust agreeing with truth
and verity. The God of heaven and earth bless your Honors, and crown you
all with spiritual, temporal, and eternal felicity, and make you more and
more tender nursing fathers to Christ's interests and concerns among the
English and Indians in New England; so prays
Your
obliged servant
in this work of the
Lord Jesus Christ,
D. G.
Cambridge, in New England,
December 18th, 1677.
ELIOT'S LETTER.
The Reverend Mr. JOHN ELLIOT (teacher
unto the Praying Indians) his Letter to the author of this Narrative upon
his perusal of it.
Sir: I have perused this narrative of the Christian Indians, both their sufferings
and doings; though (as
you intimate) more might. have been said, yet here is enough to give wise
men a taste of what hath passed. Leave the rest unto the day of judgment,
when all the contrivances and actings of men shall be opened before the seeing
eye of a glorious Judge. I do not see that any man, or orders of men, can
find just cause of excepting against (human frailties excepted) any thing
that you have written. As natural fathers, so foster fathers, are well pleased
to hear well of their children. I doubt not but the Right Honorable Corporation
will well accept this great service and duty, to give them so clear an account
of their foster children, a service which I confess I am not able to perform.
The Lord bless your good and faithful labour in it. I do heartily and thankfully
adjoin my attestation to the substance of all you have here written, and
so rest
Your
worships' to serve you,
JOHN ELLIOT.
HISTORY
OF THE
CHRISTIAN INDIANS.
A TRUE AND IMPARTIAL NARRATIVE OF THE DOINGS AND SUFFERINGS OF THE
CHRISTIAN OR PRAYING INDIANS, IN NEW ENGLAND, IN THE TIME OF THE
WAR BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND BARBAROUS HEATHEN, WHICH BEGAN THE
20TH OF
JUNE, 1675.
FORASMUCH as sundry persons have
taken pains to write and publish historical narratives of the war, between
the English and Indians
in New England,
but very little hath been hitherto declared (that I have seen)
concerning the Christian Indians, who, in reality, may be judged
to have no
small share in the effects and consequences of this war; I thought
it might
have a tendency to God's glory, and to give satisfaction to such
worthy and good persons as have been benefactors and well-willers
to that
pious work of Gospelizing the poor Indians in New England, to give
them right information how these Christian natives have demeaned
themselves in this hour of tribulation. And therefore (through
divine assistance)
I shall endeavour to give a particular and real account of this
affair. Before I come to declare matter of fact, I shall premise
some things
necessary to be understood for the better clearing of our ensuing
discourse.
The Christian Indians in New England have their dwellings
in sundry Jurisdictions of the English Colonies, and that at a considerable
distance from each other; more particularly,
1st. Upon the Islands of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard,
in which two Islands there inhabit many hundreds of them. that visibly
profess
the Gospel.1 These
Indians have felt very little of this war comparatively; for the
English that dwell upon those Islands have held a good correspondency
with those Indians all the time of the war, as they did before
the war began. The only sufferings of these Christian Indians was
of their coming up in the summer, during the war, to work for the
English in the Massachusetts Colony, whither many scores of them
did usually repair to work, whereby they and their families were
accommodated with necessary clothing, which is scarce and dear
upon those Islands. Besides, several of those Indians belonging
to the Islands, being at work at some of the English towns when
the war began in the summer, 1675, were riot permitted to stay
in the Colonies, but were forced to pack away to their own habitations
to their great loss, because the English were so jealous, and filled
with animosity against all Indians without exception. Hereby they
tasted but little of the effects of the war, and therefore they
will not so properly fall under our consideration.
2dly. Another considerable number of Christian Indians
live within the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth, called the Cape Indians; these
also (through God's favor) have enjoyed much peace and quiet by
their English neighbours, and several of them have served the English
in the war, especially in the heat of the war, and did acquit themselves
courageously and faithfully. Indeed, at the beginning of the war,
the English of that colony were suspicious of them, and slow to
improve any of them in the war, though divers of those Christian
Indians manifested themselves ready and willing to engage with
the English against their enemies; and this is so much the more
remarkable that those Indians proved so faithful to the English
interest, considering the war first began in the Colony of Plymouth,
by the rashness and folly of Philip, Chief Sachem of the Indians
in those parts, unto whom, or to some of his people doubtless,
these praying Indians were allied by affinity or consanguinity.
Therefore good reason it is, to attribute it to the grace and favor
of God, and to the efficacy of religion upon their hearts, that
they carried it so well in this war; the greatest sufferings these
underwent was, being impeded by the war to come and work in harvest
among the English, whereby they had a good helper to get apparel.
These also do not fall so properly under consideration in this
narrative.
3dly. There were a few other praying Indians, about
40' persons, that began to embrace the Christian religion, who lived
near to New Norwich, in Connecticut Colony, who were taught by
that worthy and reverend minister, Mr. James Fitch, pastor
at Norwich, who had taken much pains to declare the Gospel to the
Indians in those parts. But the chief Sachem, Uncas, and his eldest
son, Oineko,2 not being encouragers of the Christian religion,
(though otherwise they and their people have joined with the English
in the war, and proved faithful, especially against their ancient
and implacable enemies, the Narragansetts,) I say, this Sachem
and people being generally averse to entertain Christian religion,
or countenance any such as did
among his people incline to it, hence it came to pass, that those
few in those parts that prayed to God are not distinguishable from
the rest, and so nothing of remark is spoken of any of
them, and hence will not be subjects of this discourse.
4thly. The fourth and not the least company of Christian
Indians, are those that inhabit the Jurisdiction or Colony of Massachusetts,
who were taught and instructed in the Christian faith by that indefatigable
servant of God and minister of Christ, Mr. John Eliot, (who hath
also labored among all the praying Indians in New England, more
or less, for about 30 years,) but
more especially among those of Massachusetts Colony. And of these
Indians, it is, I shall principally speak, who have felt more of
the effects of this war than all the rest of the Christian
Indians, as may appear in that which ensues.
For the better understanding of the following discourse,
we are to know that all these praying Indians dwelt upon the south
side
of Merrimack river, and inhabited seven villages, viz. Wamesit,3 Nashobah,4 Okkokonimesit,
alias Marlborough, Hassannamesit,5 Makunkokoag,6 Natick,
and Punkapog,7 alias Pakomit. These were
for distinction's sake called the old praying Indian towns, for
there were five or six small villages of the Nipmuck Indians that
had some people in them inclining to entertain the Gospel, therefore
were called, the new praying towns. But those latter being but
raw and lately initiated into the Christian profession, most of
them fell off front the English and joined the enemy in the war,
some few excepted, whose hearts God had turned, that came in to
Okkokonimesit, or Marlborough, and lived among the praying Indians; they were drawn together there until such time as the one and
other were driven and drawn away among the enemy, as shall afterward
(God willing) be declared. I am therefore principally to speak
of the Christian Indians belonging to the old praying towns above
mentioned.
The situation of those towns was such, that the Indians
in them might have been improved as a wall of defence about the
greatest
part of the colony of Massachusetts; for the first named of those
villages bordered upon the Merrimack river, and the rest in order
about twelve or fourteen miles asunder, including most of the frontiers.
And had the suggestions and importunate solicitations of some persons,
who had knowledge and experience of the fidelity and integrity
of the praying Indians been attended and practised in the beginning
of the war, many and great mischiefs might have been (according
to reason) prevented; for most of the praying towns, in the beginning
of the war, had put themselves into a posture of defence, and had
made forts for
their security against the common enemy; and it was suggested and
proposed to the authority of the country, that some English men,
about one third part, might have been joined with those Christian
Indians in each fort, which the praying Indians greatly desired,
that thereby their fidelity might have been better demonstrated,
and that with the assistance and company of some of those English
soldiers, they might daily scout or range the woods from town to
town, in their several assigned stations, and hereby might have
been as a living wall to guard the English frontiers, and consequently
the greatest part of the Jurisdiction, which, with the blessing
of God, might have prevented the desolations and devastations that
afterward ensued. This was not only the suggestion of some English,
but the earnest desire of some of the most prudent of the Christian
Indians, who in all their actions declared that they were greatly
ambitious to give demonstration to the English of their fidelity
and good affection to them and the interest of the Christian religion,
and to endeavour all that in them lay to abase and take off the
animosity and displeasure that they perceived was enkindled
in some English against them; and hence it was that they were
always found ready to comply cheerfully with all commands of the
English authority. But such was the unhappiness of their affairs,
or rather the displeasure of God in the case, that those counsels
were rejected, and on the contrary a spirit of enmity and hatred
conceived by many against those poor Christian Indians, as I apprehend
without cause, so far as I could ever understand, which was, according
to the operation of second causes, a very great -occasion of many
distressing calamities- that befell both one and the other.
The great God who overruleth and ordereth all counsels
and actions for the bringing to pass his own purpose and desire,
was
pleased
to-darken this counsel from such as had the power to put it in
practice; anti although there was a demonstration, near hand,
in the colony of Connecticut for the benefit of such a course as
was before proposed and desired, in keeping a fair correspondence
with their neighbour Indians, the Mohegans and Pequods, who were
not only improved by the English in all their expeditions, but
were a guard to the frontiers, whereby those Indians, upon the
account of their own interest (for they had no principles of Christianity
to fix them to the English), proved very faithful and serviceable
to the English, and under God were instrumental for the preservation
of that Colony which had but one small deserted village burnt in
this war,8 and very little of their other substance destroyed by
the enemy. I have often considered this matter and come to this
result, in my own thoughts, that the most holy and righteous God
hath overruled all counsels and affairs in this, and other things
relating to this war, for such wise, just, and holy ends as these;
1st. To make a rod of the barbarous heathen to chastise
and punish the English for their sins. The Lord had, as our faithful
minister
often declared, applied more gentle chastisements (gradually) to
his New England people; but those proving in great measure ineffectual
to produce effectual humiliation and reformation, hence the righteous
and holy Lord is necessitated to draw forth this smarting rod of
the vile and brutish heathen, who indeed have been a very
scourge unto New England, especially unto the Jurisdiction of Massachusetts.
2dly. To teach war to the young generation of New England,
who had never been acquainted with it; and especially to teach old
and young how little confidence is to be put in an arm of flesh; and to let them see if God give commission to a few (comparatively)
of naked men to execute any work of God, how insignificant nothings
are numbers of men well armed and provided, and endowed with courage
and valor, to oppose and conquer the enemy, until God turn the
balance. It was observed by some judicious, that, at the beginning
of the war, the English soldiers made a nothing of the Indians,
and many spake words to this effect, that one Englishman was sufficient
to chase ten Indians;9 mare reckoned it was no other but Veni,
vidi, vici. Surely the Lord well knew, that if he should have given
his people victory, before they were in some measure corrected
of this sin of trusting in arm of flesh, that little glory would
accrue to his name by such a deliverance.
3dly. The purging and trying the faith and patience
of the Godly English and Christian Indians, certainly was another
end God
aimed
at in this chastisement. And the discovery of hypocrisy and wickedness
in some that were ready to cry “Aha !” at the sore
calamity upon the English people in this war, and as much as in
them lay to overthrow God's work in Gospelizing the poor Indians.
4thly. Doubtless one great end God aimed at was the
punishment and destruction of many of the wicked heathen, whose
iniquities
were now full; the last period whereof was their malignant opposition
to the offers of the Gospel, for the Pakanahats10 and
the Narragansetts, those two great nations upon whom the dint of
war hath most especially
fallen, (for they are almost totally destroyed,) had once and again
the Gospel offered to them. But their chief Sachems malignantly
rejected and opposed it, and consequently the people followed their
examples.11 And notwithstanding
they were very conversant among the English, especially the Narragansetts,
and commendable for
their
industry and labor among the English, yet had the most of them no
hearing ears unto the glad tidings of salvation offered in the Gospel,
and very few of them delighted in communion with the Christian Indians.
And here I shall insert a matter of remark. After the war began
with Philip, the English, having cause to be suspicious of the Narragansetts,
sent some soldiers to Mr. Smith's, of Wickford, that lived near
them, designing thereby to put upon them a necessity to declare
themselves friends or enemies, and to push upon them the performances
of former articles of agreement between the English and them, at
which time, being in July, 1675, they complied to a treaty12 of
continuing in peace and friendship with the English. But among other
articles,
the Narragansetts, by their agent Potuche,13 urged
that the English should not send any among them to preach the Gospel
or call upon
them to pray to God. But, the English refusing to concede to such
an article, it was withdrawn, and a peace concluded for that time.
In this act they declared what their hearts were, viz. to reject
Christ and his grace offered to them before. But the Lord Jesus,
before the expiration of 18 months, destroyed the body of the Narragansett
nation, that would not have him to reign over them, particularly
all their chief Sachems and this Potuche, a chief Counsellor and
subtle fellow, who was taken at Rhode Island, coming voluntarily
there, and afterward sent to Boston and there executed.14
5thly. And lastly, to mention no more, this doubtless
was another end the God of Heaven aimed at in this war, that he might
magnify
his rich and free grace, in saving and delivering his poor New England
people at last, and destroying the greater part of the enemy, and subduing
others under them; and this was by his own hand chiefly done, thereby
magnifying his grace in answering the incessant prayers of the people
of God in England, Ireland, and Scotland, as well as in New England.
But I shall forbear to add any more of this kind, and proceed now to
declare matter of fact.
In April, 1675 before the war broke forth above two months,
there being, the March preceding, some agitations between the Government
of
Plymouth,
and Philip, Sachem of Mount Hope, concerning the murder of one John Sasamand,15 one
of the Christian Indians belonging to Massachusetts; but at that time
he lived in Plymouth Colony, near Taunton,16 and
was a minister to some Christian Indians thereabouts. And Philip was
vehemently suspected
to be the contriver of this murder, though executed by others; the story
whereof is more particularly set down by Mr. Mather and Mr. Wm. Hubbard,
in their histories of the war, which has spared me the labor to recite
it in this place; only thus much I may say, pertinent to my purpose,
that this John Sasamand was the first Christian martyr of the Indians;
for it is evident he suffered death upon the account of his Christian
profession, and fidelity to the English. I say, about this time, the
beginning of April, Waban,17 the
principal Ruler of the praying Indians living at Natick, came to one
of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to
fear that Sachem Philip and other Indians, his confederates, intended
some mischief shortly to the English and Christian Indians. Again, in
May, about six weeks before the war began; he came again and renewed
the same. Others also of the Christian Indians did speak the same thing,
and that when the woods were grown thick with green trees then it was
likely to appear, earnestly desiring that care might be had and means
used for prevention, at least for preparation for such a thing; and a
month after the war began. About the 21st of June, at the first going
forth, the English were only employed as soldiers, excepting only three
Indians for guides went with Capt. Prentice, viz. one James and Thomas
Quannapohutt, alias Rumny Marsh,18 and Zechary Abram, who all behaved
themselves valiantly and faithfully. The English at first thought easily
to chastise the insolent doings and murderous practices of the heathen.
But it was found another manner of thing than was expected; for our
men could see no enemy to shoot at, but yet felt their bullets out of
the thick bushes where they lay in ambushments. The enemy also used this
stratagem, to apparel themselves from the waist upwards with green boughs,
that our Englishmen could not readily discern them, or distinguish them
from the natural bushes; this manner of fighting our men had little
experience of, and hence were under great disadvantages. The English
wanted not courage
or resolution, but could not discern or find an enemy to fight with,
yet were galled by the enemy. The Council, having advice hereof from
the commanders of the army, judged it very necessary to arm and send
forth some of the praying Indians to assist our forces, hereby not only
to try their fidelity, but to deal the better with the enemy in their
own ways and methods, according to the Indian manner of fighting, wherein
our Indians were well skilled, and had our [their] council practised,19 and also to be as scouts and forlorns to the English; for the Indians
generally
excel in a quick and strong sight for the discovery of any thing; and
then they have a very accurate sagacity in discovering the tracks of
man or beast. And also they are subtle and wily to accomplish their enterprise,
especially they keep a deep silence in their marches and motions, whereas
the English are more prone to talk to one another and make a noise, whereby
the enemy, discovering them before they come near, either prepare for
them or take their flight, as is most for their advantage. And here I
shall take leave, as a parenthesis, to insert a short and true story
of an Indian chief, captain under Uncas, who marching in this war as
scout with some English soldiers of Connecticut, one of the English soldiers
had on a new pair of shoes that made a creaking noise as they travelled.
The Indian captain was not quiet until he had persuaded the fellow with
creaking shoes to take his moccasins and wear them, and the Indian carried
the Englishman's shoes at his back, and went himself barefoot. Another
English soldier had on a pair of leather breeches, which being dry made
a rustling noise; the Indian captain was not satisfied until he had
persuaded the man to-take off his breeches, or else to wet them in the
water to prevent their rustling. By this relation, which is a truth,
we may observe how circumspect and careful they are in order to obtain
advantage of their enemies.
1675, July 2. But to proceed to our purpose. The Governor
and Council gave their orders to Major Daniel Gookin (unto whom a peculiar
inspection
and government of the praying Indians was committed by authority of the
General Court) to raise a company of the praying Indians forthwith, to
be armed and furnished, and sent to the army at Mount Hope. In pursuance
whereof the Major forthwith sent to all the praying Indians for one third
part of their able men, who all readily and cheerfully appeared, and
being enlisted were about 52.20 These
being armed and furnished were sent to the army under conduct of Capt.
Isaac Johnson,21 the 6th
of July, 1675, who returned back after he had delivered them to Major
Savage, commander-in-chief of the army at Mount Hope. How those Indians
behaved themselves I shall say little, not being an eye-witness thereof,
but both Major Savage, Capt. Prentiss, and Capt. Henchman, chief officers
in the army, give testimony that the most of them acquitted themselves
courageously and faithfully, as may appear by a certificate (in the close
of this treatise) under their hands.
At this time the praying Indians at Marlborough were increased
to about 40 men, besides women and children; which came to pass by the
advice
of
several Christian Indians that came to them, viz. from Hassanamesit, Magunkoag,
Manchage,22 and Chobonokonomum,23 who (when the troubles increased) left their places, and came into Marlborough
under the English wing, and
there built a fort upon their own land, which stood near the centre of
the English town, not far from the church or Meeting House; hence they
hoped not only to be secured, but to be helpful to the English, and on
this pass and frontier to curb the common enemy; and in all probability
it would have produced that effect, but the most holy God for the chastisement
of the English and Indians disposed otherwise, as in the sequel will appear.
These Indians at Marlborough, some of them having been abroad
to scout in the woods (according to the Englishmen's order) to discover
the
enemy
and secure the place, they met with a track of Indians which they judged
to be a greater number by the track, and upon discovery whereof they presently
repaired to the chief militia officer of the town named Lieut. Ruddock,
and informed him thereof, who presently joined some English with them,
and sent forth to pursue the track, which they did, and first seized five
Indians and after two more, which were in all seven; these being seized
were forthwith sent down to the magistrates at Cambridge, who examined
them and found them to be Indians belonging to Narragansett, Long Island,
and Pequod, who had all been at work about seven weeks with one Mr. Jonathan
Tyng, of Dunstable, upon Merrimack river; and hearing of the wars they
reckoned with their master, and getting their wages, conveyed themselves
away without his privity, and being afraid marched secretly through the
woods,
designing to go to their own country, until they were intercepted as before.
This act of our Christian Indians of Marlborough was an evident demonstration
of their fidelity to the English interest. The seven prisoners, after
further examination before the council, where they told the same thing
as before, were for a few days committed to prison, but afterwards released.
But to return to our purpose. Notwithstanding the certificate
which hereafter follows, and is before touched, concerning the courage
and fidelity
of
our Christian Indians at Mount Hope, yet I am not ignorant that some officers
and soldiers in the army who had conceived much animosity against all
Indians, disgusted our Christian Indian soldiers, and reported ultimately
concerning them, saying that they were cowards and skulked behind trees
in fight, and that they shot over the enemies' heads, and such like reproaches; but, as the proverb says, Ill will speaks no good; but certainly none
could better know their doings than their particular commanders, who have
subscribed the certificate, who are men not inferior to any in the army
for honesty and fidelity. This I do also know upon my own personal knowledge,
that some of those Indian soldiers at their return (viz. John Hunter,
Thomas Quannapohitt, and Felix) brought to the governor, John Leverett,
Esq., four of the enemies' scalps, slain by them at the fight at or near
Mount Hope, for which they had a reward given them. In this expedition
one of our principal soldiers of the praying Indians was slain, a
valiant and stout man, named Job Nesutan; he was a very good linguist
in the English tongue, and was Mr. Eliot's assistant and interpreter in
his translations of the Bible, and other books of the Indian language.24 The
loss of such a useful and trusty man was great in the forementioned respects.
Besides, another stout Indian of 86 was wounded by accident,
and lost the use of his right arm, his name Thomas Rumny Marsh,25 the manner thus; he, being a horseman, as is before hinted, under Captain
Prentiss, they being at a stand and he sitting on
his horse, set the butt end of a long gun he carried upon the
ground, and held his hand upon the muzzle of the gun which
was charged; the weather being hot, and the horse disturbed
by flies, pawed with his fore foot, and turning the cock, (which
was half bent,) the piece went off and tore his hand in pieces. It was
after a long time cured, but the use of this hand lost; yet this fellow
since that time hath done very good service as well as before, as may
afterward be mentioned.
This company of praying Indians, part of them were sent home
and disbanded after 25 days, and the other half were not disbanded until
some
time after
Philip was fled out of his country, and those Indians were part of the
number that pursued him; and had their counsel been practised, as I was
credibly informed by some upon the place, he had probably been taken,
and his distressed company at that time; but God darkened that counsel
from us at that time, for Philip's iniquity being not yet full, and the
Indian rod upon the English backs had not yet done God's errand.
About the 26th of July, fifty Mohegans belonging to Uncas,
with three of his sons, whereof one was his eldest son and successor, named
Oneko,
came into Boston, all armed with guns, being conducted by two Englishmen
and some of the praying Indians of Natick, where they lodged the night
before; they brought a letter from Mr. James Fitch, minister of Norwich,
to our Governor and Council, signifying that their Sachem Uncas had sent
them to assist the English against their enemy Philip; these had given
some intimations of the tender of their service some days before, by six
messengers sent on purpose, but they were not expected to come so speedily
as they did. July 29th, those 50 Mohegans and three of our praying Indians
of Natick being joined with them for guides, were sent forth from Boston,
conducted by Quarter-Master Swift, and a 'ply of horse, and were ordered
at first (by the Governor of Plymouth, into which Colony they were to
pass,) to march toward Taunton; but after they were upon their way, the
Governor of Plymouth sent them other orders, to go to Rehobah, or Seekonk,26 which
he did unwittingly, not then knowing any thing of Philip's flight. But
this thing was so ordered by the divine hand. For those Mohegans and
Natick Indians came to Seekonk the night before that Philip and all his
company, being judged about 500 of all sorts, men, women and children,
passed on the end of Rehobah, within two or three miles of the town where
the Mohegans and Naticks quartered. What forces could be speedily raised
in those parts and got to quarter, to pursue Philip, which were not above
ten from Taunton, thirty-four from Providence, and thirty from Seekonk,
all English, who joining together with the Mohegans and Natick Indians
made about 128 men, these pursued the enemy vigorously upon the
first of August, being the Lord's Day, and came up with the rear of the
enemy about ten o'clock in the forenoon; the enemy had brought his best
men into the war to oppose our forces pursuers; but our men, and particularly
the Mohegan and Natick Indians, behaved themselves with such courage and
activity, as was certified by a letter from Mr. Newman, of Rehobah, a
minister that was present in the fight, that they slew fourteen of the
enemies, principally men, and wounded divers others, whereof one Nimorod,27 a
chief Captain and Councillor to Philip, was one slain;, also they took
a considerable booty which the Mohegan Indians loaded themselves with,
which, together with the extreme heat of the weather, and the wounds of
two or three of
our side, (but none were slain of eighty-six,) occasioned them to give
over the chase for a time to refresh themselves. In the interim, the enemy
got such a start before our men that they escaped, though Capt.. Henchman,
with about sixty-eight men, whereof above twenty were of our Natick Indians,
came up from Pokasit, where he kept garrison, about noon that day, and
pursued the enemy two or three days, but could not come up with him, nor
yet Capt. Mosely, who was sent from Boston, with fifty dragoons, to follow
the chase, could not overtake the enemy, whose time was not yet come.
Our praying Indians with Capt. Henchman, being not so loaded with plunder
as the Mohegans, moved the Capt. to send them to head the enemy. But he
thought it not prudent to break his small company, (for the Providence,
Taunton, and Seekonk men were all gone home,) and to hazard so few as
eight Indians were, against so considerable and numerous, as Philip was
apprehended then to be. But as we were also certainly informed that Philip
was so distressed and clogged at that time, his ammunition almost spent
also, the Squaw Sachem,28 and
her people, the Womponoges, (his greatest strength,) drawn off from them
to the Narragansetts, that he
had little above fifty able men left, but many hundreds of old men, women,
and children; so that if the counsel of our Christian Indians had been
put in practice, according to rational probability they had taken or slain
Philip, and so retarded his motion, that the rest might have come up with
him and destroyed his party. But God's providence overruled those prudent
suggestions, and permitted this, our arch enemy, to live longer, to be
a scourge to us.
About the latter part of July, 1675, the Council sent Capt.
Edward Hutchinson as a commissioner to treat with the Nipmuck Indians,
and as
a guard and
assistant to him, Capt. Wheeler and twenty-five of his troops were sent
with him, and three of our Christian Indians for guides and interpreters,
named Joseph and Sampson, brothers, and sons to old Robin Petuhanit, deceased,
a good man who lived at Hasanamoset, together with George Memecho, their
kinsman : these three accompanied Captain Wheeler and Captain Hutchinson,
and were with them at the swamp near Quabage, when the Nipmuck Indians
perfidiously set upon our men and slew seven29 of
our men and wounded others; the Indian, George, was taken prisoner by
the enemy, and came
home afterward
and brought good intelligence. The other two brothers, Joseph and Sampson,
acquitted themselves very industriously and faithfully, and, by their
care and skilful conduct, guided Captain Hutchinson and Captain Wheeler
with their company in safety to Brookfield, an English town near adjacent,
which was in a few hours after attacked by those Indians, and most of
it burnt. They had only time to get together into one of the best houses,
which was the same where the two wounded Captains Hutchinson and Wheeler
were, with the remnant of their soldiers and the inhabitants, which, that
night and the next day, was besieged and assaulted by the enemy, and divers
attempts made to fire it. The particular relation of the matter is declared
in the history of the wars,30 and
another printed paper put forth by Capt. Wheeler, being a narrative of
the matter, wherein he mentions nothing of those Indians' service, but
yet gave them a certificate under his hand in these words.
“These are to certify that Joseph and Sampson, Indians,
that were our guides in the Nipmuck country, behaved themselves courageously
and
faithfully,
and conducted our distressed company in the best way from the swamp, where
we were wounded and divers slain, unto the town of Brookfield, and all
the time of our being with them, in the inn of Brookfield, when the enemy
attacked us, those two Indians behaved themselves as honest and stout
men.
“Witness my hand, the 20th of August, 1675.
THOMAS WHEELER.”
This certificate those Indians had, and I saw it, and took a copy of it,
and I spoke with Captain Wheeler before his death,31 and
he owned it. Besides, James Richardson, now Lieutenant, belonging to the
army and living
at
Chelmsford, and several others that were in that action and are yet alive,
owned the same thing; and moreover, both Captain Wheeler and Lieutenant
Richardson informed me that the two Indians beforenamed, told Captain
Hutchison, before the Indians perfidiously assaulted their company, that
they much doubted the fidelity of those Nipmuck Indians, and feared they
would be treacherous, and earnestly persuaded Capt. Hutchison and the
rest not to adventure to go to them at the swamp; and gave him some demonstrations
of it, for there were two English there sent the day before the mischief,
and they then observed that which was a ground of their fears. But the
Captain, being a man of spirit and intent upon his trust, would proceed,
and so lost not only his own life but others also, for though he was not
killed upon the place, yet lie died of his wounds soon after.32 But
this shows the prudence and fidelity of the Christian Indians; yet notwithstanding
all this service they
were, with others of our Christian Indians, through the harsh dealings
of some English, in a manner constrained, for want of shelter, protection,
and encouragement, to fall off to the enemy at Hassanamesit, the story
whereof follows in its place; and one of them, viz. Sampson, was slain
in fight, by some scouts of our praying Indians, about Watchuset; and
the other, Joseph, taken prisoner in Plymouth Colony, and sold for a slave
to some merchants at Boston, and sent to Jamaica, but upon the importunity
of Mr. Elliot, which the master of the vessel related to him, was brought
back again, but not released. His two children taken prisoners with him
were redeemed by Mr. Elliot, and afterward his wife, their mother, taken
captive, which woman was a sober Christian woman, and is employed to teach
school among the Indians at Concord, and her children are with her, but
her husband held as before, a servant; though several that know the said
Joseph and his former carriage, have interceded for his release, but cannot
obtain it; some informing authority that he had been active against the
English when he was with the enemy. There were several others of our praying
Indians employed for guides to the forces sent us by Major Willard,33 to
Brookfield, and with Capt. Lathrop and Lieut. Curtis and Daniel Champney,
in several enterprises and affairs committed to them, both for the release
of Brookfield, and to speak with the Nipmucks, before they broke out into
hostility, all which Indians acquitted themselves faithfully according
to their several employments and betrustments. But, notwithstanding those
signal and faithful services done by those Christian Indians, and divers
others not here related, yet the animosity and rage of the common people
increased against them, that the very name of a praying Indian was spoken
against, in so much, that some wise and principal men did advise spine
that were concerned with them, to forbear giving that epithet of praying.34 This
rage of the people, as I contend, was occasioned from hence. Because much
mischief being done and English blood shed by the brutish enemy,
and because some neighbour Indians to the English at Quabage, Hadley,
and Springfield (though none of those were praying Indians) had proved
perfidious and were become enemies, hence it was that all the Indians
are reckoned to be false and
perfidious. Things growing to this height among the English, the Governor
and Council, against their own reason and inclination, were put upon a
kind of necessity, for gratifying the people, to disband all the praying
Indians, and to make and publish an order to confine them to five of their
own villages, and not to stir above one mile from the centre of such place,
upon peril of their lives. The copy of which order here
follows.
“At a Council held in Boston, August 30th, 1675.
“The Council judging it of absolute necessity for security of the English
and Indians in amity with us, that they be restrained their, usual commerce
with the English and hunting in the woods, during the time of hostility
with those that 'are our enemies; do order, that all those Indians, that
are desirous to approve themselves faithful to the English, be confined
to the several places underwritten, until the Council shall take further
order, and that they so order the setting of their wigwams that they may
stand compact in one place of their plantations respectively, where it
may be best for their own provision and defence, and that none of them
do presume to travel above one mile from the centre of such of their dwellings
unless in company of some English, or in their service, excepting for
gathering in their corn with one Englishman in company, on peril of being
taken as our enemies, or their abettors. And in case any of them be taken
without the limits aforesaid except as above said, and do lose their lives,
or be otherwise damnified by English or Indians; the Council do hereby
declare that they shall account themselves wholly innocent, and their
blood, or other damage by them sustained, will be upon their own heads.
Also it shall not be lawful for any Indians, that are now in amity with
us, to entertain any strange Indians, or to receive any of our enemies'
plunder, but shall from time to time make discovery thereof to some English
that shall be appointed for that end to sojourn with them, on penalty
of being accounted our enemies, and to be
proceeded against, as such.
“Also, whereas it is the manner of the heathen that are now in hostility
with us, contrary to the practice of civil nations, to execute their bloody
insolences by stealth, and skulking in small parties, declining all open
decision of the controversy, either by treaty or by the sword; the Council
do therefore order, that after the publication of the provision aforesaid,
it shall be lawful for any person, whether English or Indian, that shall
find any Indian travelling in any of our towns or woods, contrary to the
limits abovenamed, to command them under their guard and examination,
or to kill and destroy them as they best may or can. The Council hereby
declaring, that it will be most acceptable to them, that none be killed
or wounded, that are willing to surrender themselves into custody.
“The places of the Indians' residence are, Natick, Punquapog,
Nashobah, Wamesit, and Hassanamesit. And if there be any that belong to
other places,
they are to repair to some one of these.
“By the Council.
EDWARD RAWSON,
Secretary.”
By this order (which the Council was in a manner
necessitated to put forth to quiet the people) the poor Christian Indians
were reduced
to great sufferings, being hindered from their hunting and looking
after their cattle, swine, and getting in their corn, or laboring among
the English to get clothes, and many other ways incommoded; also,
were. daily exposed to be slain or imprisoned, if at any time they
were found without their limits. And there wanted not some English
(ill. willing to them), that took occasion to seize upon them, and
take away their guns, and detain them to this day, and to bring them
to prison. And whereas it was ordered and intended by the Council,
that two or three Englishmen should be kept at every one of the Indian
plantations aforesaid, to inspect their carriage and conversation,
(which thing the Indians earnestly desired,) but few were found willing
to live among them, only at Natick two persons were persuaded to reside,
viz. John Watson, senior, and Henry Prentiss, of Cambridge; and for
a short space some others took turns to keep at Punkapog, but they
were changed weekly, and so 1 have not an account of their names. But
those two abovenamed sojourned with the Natick Indians (where were
the greatest number) for many weeks, yea, until they were removed to
Deer Island. And those two persons were men of good credit for piety
and honesty, who did give a very good testimony of the honest and sober
deportment of those Indians, which appears by the certificate following,
subscribed by then).
“Whereas we, John Watson, senior, and Henry Prentiss,
were appointed by the Hon'ble Council of Massachusetts, in New-England,
to reside
among the praying Indians living at Natick, to observe and inspect
their manners and conversation, which service we attended for about
twelve weeks : during all this time, we carefully observed their carriage
and demeanor, and do testify on their behalf, that they behaved themselves
both religiously towards God, and respectively, obediently, and faithfully
to the English; and in testimony of the truth hereof, we have hereunto
set our hands, the of 1677.
JOHN WATSON,
Senior,
HENRY PRENTISS.”
I have also spoken with some of the
English that inspected the Indians at Punkapog, and in particular with
Quartermaster Thomas Swift,
who testified the same thing for substance, concerning the Christian
Indians living there; and he also said that others who were there
affirmed
the same thing. By all these testimonies (and many others that
might
be produced if need required) it is most evident, that the jealousies
and suspicions of some Englishmen concerning those poor Christians
were groundless and causeless, which will more evidently appear
hereafter; and one thing I shall here add, that Corporal John
Watson before
named (a discreet and sober man) hath more than once spoken in
my hearing, that, before he sojourned among these Christian Indians,
he had entertained
much animosity, prejudice, and displeasure in his mind, against
them,
and judged them such as they were vulgarly represented to be. But
after he had some time lived with them, lie received such full
satisfaction, and was so fully convinced of his former error, that
he said he was
ashamed of himself for his harsh aspersion of them only upon common
fame; and this he testified, not only in my hearing, but before
the
Governor and Council, and General Court, and many others that inquired
of him how the Indians carried it. So that he became an apologist
for them, as occasion was offered, insomuch that some accounted
him also
an offender for so speaking.
Notwithstanding the Council's endeavours in the former
orders, and the testimony of these English witnesses on behalf of the
Christian
Indians,
yet the clamors and animosity among the common
people Increased daily, not only against those Indians, but also
all such English as were judged to be charitable to them. And particularly,
many harsh reflections and speeches were uttered against Major
Daniel
Gookin, and Mr. John Elliot, the former of whom had been appointed
by the authority of the General Court of Massachusetts, and approbation
of the Honorable Governor and Corporation for Gospelizing those
Indians, to rule and govern those Indians about twenty years, and
the latter
had been their teacher and minister about thirty years, as if they
did support and protect those Indians against the English; whereas
(God knows) there was no ground for such an imputation, but was
a device
and contrivance of Satan and his instruments, to hinder and subvert
the work of religion among the Indians; for neither had any of
our Christian Indians been justly charged, either with unfaithfulness,
or treachery towards the English, since the war begun (that I know
of.) But on the contrary, some of them had discovered the treachery,
particularly Walcut the ruler of Philip, before he began any act
of hostility, as is before mentioned, and since the war have served
the
English faithfully, but yet must be content to receive such retribution
from too many, (at whose hands they have deserved other things,)
but now both the Christian Indians, and all that favored them are
enemies
to the English, and ought to be proceeded against accordingly,
if
some men might have had their wills, so great was the rage and
unreasonable prejudice of many at this time. It might rationally
have been considered,
that those two persons abovenamed, who had (one of them for above
twenty
years, and the other about thirty years,) been acquainted with,
and conversant among those Christian Indians, should have more
knowledge
and experience of them than others had, and consequently should
be able to speak more particularly concerning such of those Indians
whom they knew (according to a judgment of charity) to be honest
and pious
persons. And if at such a time, they should have been wholly silent
and remiss in giving a modest testimony concerning them when called
thereunto, God might justly have charged it upon them, as a sin
and
neglect of their duty, had they for fear declined to witness the
truth for Christ, and for these his poor distressed servants, some
of the
Christian Indians. And in this day of Massah and Meribah, some that have the repute and I hope truly
godly men, were so far gone with the temptation, that they accounted
it a crime in any man to say that they hoped some of those Indians
were
pious persons, or that they had grounds of persuasion that such
and such would be saved. This cruel frame of spirit (for I can
give
it
no gentler denomination) arose I apprehend from a double ground,
first, the malice of Satan against Christ's work among those
Indians and to hinder their progress in religion; for they finding
Englishmen,
professing Christian religion, so enraged against them, and injurious
to them without cause, as they well knew in their own consciences,
whatever others thought or spake to the contrary, this was a
sore temptation to such weak ones and little children as it were
in
the ways of Christianity, and hereby to incline -them to apostasy,
and
if the devil by this stratagem could have prevailed, then the
whole work of Christ among them, so spoken of, blessed and owned
by the
Lord, would have been utterly overthrown; this would have gratified
Satan and his instruments greatly.
A second root of this trouble arose from the perfidious
and unfaithful dealing of the wicked Indians, and their causeless
rage
and cruelty
and fury against the English, and particularly the Springfield
and Northampton Indians, who lived near the English and seemed
to carry
it fair for a time, but at last proved perfidious and treacherous.
But there was not one of them that ever I heard of, that was
a pretender to Christian religion. This defection of those Indians
(though some
near the mark have been ready to say that if they were prudently
managed as others of their neighbours the Mohegans were, they
might
have continued in amity and been helpful to the English to this
day,) but their defection at this time had a tendency to exasperate
the
English against all Indians, that they would admit no distinction
between one Indian and another, forgetting that the Scriptures
do record that sundry of the heathen in Israel's time, being
proselyted to the Church, proved very faithful and worthy men
and women;
as
Uriah the Hittite, Zeleg the Ammonite, Ithmah the Moabite, 1st
Chron. xi. 39, 41, 46. And Rahab the harlot, and Ruth the Moabitess,
and
divers others, men and women. But this is no wonder that wicked
men, yea, sometimes godly men, are angry and displeased with
others that
fear God, and too readily pass judgment on them that they are
hypocrites and
naught, especially if there be occasion given by the falls of
any that profess religion. And because this is a matter of moment
I
shall now come in order to relate a true story of the sufferings
of several
of the Christian Indians about this time, which, with the circumstances
about it, and consequences of it, proved matter of great offence
to the English and Indians, and laid a foundation of very much
trouble and affliction not only to the Indians but the English
also, and
a cause why some of them afterwards were put upon the temptations
to be willing to go away with the enemy. Being surprised by the
enemy at a remote place, where they were gathering their corn,
and they
being generally unarmed could not defend themselves, and so were
necessitated to comply with the enemy. But of the particular
account of the matter I shall have occasion to speak hereafter
if God please,
and therefore shall pass it now. On the 30th of August, one of
the captains35 of
the army (being instigated thereunto by some people of
those parts, no lovers of the Christian Indians,) sent down to
Boston with a guard of soldiers, pinioned and fastened with lines
from neck
to neck, fifteen of those Indians that lived with others of them
upon their own lands, and in their own fort at Okonhomesitt near
Marlborough, where they were orderly settled and were under the
English conduct, and frequently improved to scout about the plantation,
and
that to the very great satisfaction and acceptance of many wise
and prudent men of the place; and besides they were ready to
be for
guides and pilots to our soldiers that passed that way to the
westward, and had been often improved upon that account; which
things were
done before. And though afterward these Indians, by the procurement
of some of their back friends, were to be removed from this place
to one of the other five allowed places, which order before mentioned
was made but the same day they were seized, viz. the 30th of
August, 1675, and so it took not yet place, and these Indians
were orderly
settled here at this time; and it had been well for the country
and for Marlborough in particular if they had never been disobliged
or
removed from thence; I conceive it might have been instrumental
to save many a man's life and much loss otherwise; for this
company of Indians in this place, had they been cherished, conducted,
and
assisted by the English, would according to an eye of reason
been as a wall of defence to the western frontiers of Massachusetts
Colony; where most of our danger lay, and where most mischief
was afterwards done. But the counsel of the Lord must stand,
and his purpose to chastise the poor English very sharp, and
Indians also, must be accomplished; therefore good counsel was
hid from us, and jealousies
and animosities increased and fomented among us. I shall not
here recite the reasons moving the instigators unto this action,
though I have seen and could produce the copy of the petition
of Senonatt unto the Council, about this time. But there are
some ready to conjecture that the occult and main reason inducing
some of them to desire to be rid of the neighbourhood of those
Indians, was in respect of a fair tract of land, belonging to
them (near Marlborough) not only by natural right but by a grant
from the General Court in the Massachusetts Colony; and this
is more latent now than heretofore, for some of the people of
those parts have very lately, in the spring 1677, not only taken
away the fencing stuff from about the Indians' lands, but taken
away some cart-loads of their young apple trees and planted them
in their own lands. And when some of those Indians made some
attempts to plant (by order from authority) upon their own lands
in the spring 1677, some person of that place expressly forbid
them, and threatened them if they came there to oppose them,
so that the poor Indians being put into fears returned, and dared
not proceed; and yet those Indians that went to plant were such
as had been with the English all the war, and were not at all
obnoxious. But I have been longer than I intended in the preface
to that matter, fain to relate; the pretence for seizing these
fifteen Marlborough Indians and sending them down as prisoners
was this, that eleven of them had committed a notorious murder
upon seven English persons at Lancaster upon a Lord's day, August
22d; the next and immediate accuser of these Indians was one
David, an Indian, one of the fifteen, who being suspected for
shooting at a lad belonging to the English of Marlborough that
was sent out by his master to look up some sheep, this David
being apprehended by the aforesaid captain upon the former suspicion,
and fastened to a tree to be shot to death, and fearing to drink
of the same cup as his brother Andrew had done, a fortnight before,
being shot to death by some soldiers at the same place.36 Indeed
Andrew, having been several months before the war gone upon a
hunting voyage towards the Lakes and French plantations, returning
home a month before this time, fell into the enemies' quarters
about Quabage, and was charged to be present with
the Indians at the swamp when they did that perfidious villany
against Captain Wheeler and Captain Hutchinson, before
touched; but, some time after, he and his son-in-law left the
enemy and came into the woods near Marlborough, where they were
taken by Indian scouts belonging to Marlborough, and particularly
by some of them now accused; and Andrew, brought to the English,
was accused of being with the enemy at Quabage, and so immediately
shot to death without acquainting the Council before it was done;
for which the actors incurred blame, because there might have
been good use made of his examination before his death, to have
understood the state and numbers of the enemy; indeed, had it
not been a boisterous season at this time, the actors would have
been more severely animadverted upon. But David, as aforesaid,
being fastened to a tree, and guns bent at him, feared death,
and being offered a reprieve if he would confess truth, he promised
something, and so was unbound, and then accused eleven of the
Indians then at the fort, and now prisoners, to be murderers
of the English at Lancaster before mentioned; “but,” said
he, “I did not see it done, neither was I there, but I
heard some speak so.” David was hereupon released from
present death, but yet was sent down prisoner with the rest,
and being examined before the Council, he at first owned that
lie had said so to the Captain, at Marlborough; but afterward,
upon the trial before the court and jury, he said he had accused
those Indians falsely. Indeed some of the accused Indians, particularly
one named James Akompanet, a very understanding fellow, pleaded
in behalf of himself and the rest, that what David said against
them, was, 1st, to save his own life when he was bound to the
tree, 2dly, to revenge himself of them because they had seized
upon his brother Andrew, and his son, and' delivered them to
the English, one whereof was put to death, and the other sent
out of the country, a slave.37 There
were several things alleged against the prisoners. The most material
were, that they were
tracked from Lancaster to Marlborough about the time the murder
was committed. That one of them had a pair of bandoleers belonging
to one of the persons slain. That another had on a bloody shirt.
But when the poor Indians had answered for themselves, and by
good evidence cleared matters, all those pleas were figments
for the Indians proved by many witnesses, that they were all
at Marlborough the whole Sabbath day, at the worship of God in
their fort, and at the very time the murder was committed at
Lancaster, ten miles distant; that the bandoleers, that one
of them had, he came honestly by; and that they were delivered
at Mount Hope, by one of the commissioners, unto James Rumny
Marsh, an Indian soldier there, and delivered to him to bring
home for him. The commissioner, Mr. Morse, owned in court that
he had delivered a pair of bandoleers to James, and he, being
in court, witnessed that he sent them home by the Indian accused.
That the shirt became bloody by venison newly killed by those
Indians, whereof this man carried a part upon his back; for it
was made evident that those eleven Indians, with others, were
abroad hunting, the Saturday before, towards Lancaster, and had
killed three deer which they divided among them, (as their manner
is,) and returned to their fort in Marlborough same Saturday
evening. And others of them had bloody shirts upon the same occasion,
besides the person accused. So that upon the trial were acquitted,
except one man, who was found guilty of being accessary to the
murder;. but this man, named Joseph Spoonant, was tried by another
jury, not the same that tried the others. Upon what ground the
jury went, I know not; but the man was sold for a slave, and
sent out of the country. Also, the first adviser of them all,
called David, was condemned to be sold, his crime alleged for
suspicion of shooting an Irish boy at Marlborough, and for accusing
the others falsely; but all the rest were discharged. Before
the conclusion of the trial, God in his providence so ordered,
that two prisoners of the enemy were taken at two distinct times,
who both declared that the murder at Lancaster (for which those
men were accused) was committed by some of Philip's party, and
particularly the conductor of the party, (which consisted of
about twenty Indians,) was named John with one eye,38 a
notable fellow, that did very much mischief to the English afterward; and this man did live near Lancaster before the war began,
and was well acquainted with the place, and was a principal captain
that conducted the Indians that burnt the town of Lancaster afterward; and the prisoners before mentioned heard this one-eyed John
boast of this exploit in slaying the people at Lancaster, for
which our praying Indians were accused. But before this business
was fully examined and issued, the clamors of the people were
very great upon this occasion, and all things against those praying
Indians accused (as one of the most intelligent of the magistrates
said) were represented as very great, as things appear in mist
or fog. Some men were so violent that they would have had these
Indians put to death by martial law, and not tried by a jury,
though they were subjects under the English protection, and not
in hostility with us; others had received such impressions in
their minds, that they could hardly extend charity to the jurors
and magistrates that acquitted them. And indeed God hath since,
by his immediate hand, given testimony against some persons that
were violent in it, to have them put to death, as I could instance
in particulars,39 but
shall endeavour to avoid all personal reflections; but (recondam
in corde meo) I will lay up these things in my heart. Although
I mention the story of this matter in this place, yet it was
towards the latter end of September, before these Indians were
tried and acquitted, all which time they remained in prison,
under great sufferings. In truth, as the proverb is, every stone
was turned by their enemies to bring them to destruction. But
some, that were more considerate, serious, and pious, had their
hearts exercised with tremblings in prayer all this time, lest
the wind of temptations might blow so hard as to drive the judges
and jurors upon the rock of bringing blood upon the land, which,
blessed be God, was prevented in this matter.40 But,
as a further aggravation of the pretended faults of those Christian
Indians
at Marlborough, (which at this time lived there in a fort, and
were a bulwark to the English inhabitants, and daily scouts ranged
the woods adjacent to guard the English as well as themselves.)
But God hid this benefit from the English, which should have
been answered and requited with love and thankfulness; but,
instead thereof, many of the English at that place were jealous
of the Indians, their neighbours, and hated them, and took counsel
to disoblige them. For the clay before the Captain came to seize
the prisoners above mentioned, the Lieutenant of the town, named
Ruddock, demanded the delivery of their arms and ammunition,
which they readily submitted to, and carried to his house twenty-three
guns, and their powder-horns and bullets, that they used to carry
with them, all which they laid at his feet. But their common
stock of powder and ball, which was about ten pounds of powder,
and sixty pounds of bullets, that was given to them by order
of the commissioners of the United Colonies, paid for by the
Indian stock in the disposal of the honorable Corporation at
London; which common stock Lieu
tenant Ruddock very well knew of, for the principal Indians who
kept the same had made him privy to it, when they first fetched
it from Boston in the beginning of the war, as all the other
praying Indians had their proportion, for their defence against
the common enemy. But all this notwithstanding, it was alleged
and pleaded in the court at the trial of the eleven Indians,
as an artifice to render them all perfidious and treacherous
to the English, that they had concealed a great quantity of powder
and ball, and hid it in the ground in the fort, yet pretended
to deliver all to the Lieutenant; for the Captain and soldiers,
when they seized the prisoners, or not long after, ransacked
the fort, and finding this common stock of ammunition, and three
or four guns more (which some men, that were abroad when the
former were delivered, had brought into the fort) afterward were
seized. This matter was much talked of, and great clamors made
against those poor Christians about it. But when the chiefest
of the praying Indians of Marlborough had liberty to make answer
for themselves, things were so fully cleared, that neither dishonesty,
perfidiousness, or lying could be imputed to them touching those
things. But yet notwithstanding, all their arms and ammunition,
surrendered and seized (which to them was a very considerable
matter) at such a time, and was their own property, yet was taken
away and squandered by the soldiers and others, and never restored
to the Indians to this day that I know of, nor any satisfaction
for them, though some time afterward the Council ordered some
persons to take account of those arms and ammunition, but nothing
could be gotten. And though at the trial it was multiplied to
a great quantity, now it was alleged that it was a small matter, and
the soldiers had shared it as plunder among them, and nothing
could be recovered.
But now I have done with the story of those poor
Christian Indians at Marlborough; for it was not long after,
they were
all forced
to retire from thence. I am sorry I have been so long upon this
story, which I had not done, but it was a foundation and beginning
of much trouble, that befell both the English and Indians afterwards.
I had need apologize for this long story concerning
the Indians. But the true reason of being so particular is, that
I
might,
in the words of truth and soberness, clear the innocency of those
Indians unto all pious and impartial men, that shall peruse this
script; and so far as in me lies, to vindicate the hand of God
and religion, that these Christians profess and practise; and
to declare I cannot join with the multitude, that would cast
them all into the same lump with the profane and brutish heathen,
who are as great enemies to our Christian Indians as .they are
to the English. For though some of them were captivated by the
enemy, and escaped with their lives, (so, many of the English
that were taken captive also did,) yet this I observed all along
in this war, that the wicked Indians (our enemies) did very industriously
endeavour to bring the Christian Indians into disaffection with
the English, and to this end raised several false reports concerning
them, as if they held a correspondency with them, and on the
other side sent their secret messages to the Christian Indians
that the English designed, in the conclusion, to destroy them
all, or send them out of the country for bond slaves; and indeed,
if the conscientious and pious rulers of the country had not
acted contrary to the minds of sundry men, this last might have
proved too true.
1675, Sept. 7th. The Council gave orders to Lieutenant
Thomas Henchman, of Chelmsford, to send out an Indian messenger
or two,41 with
a safe conduct, to Wannalanset, Sachem of Naamhok,42 who
with some few others (related to him) had withdrawn into the
woods for fear, and quartered about Penagoog;43 this
Sachem being a wise man, and true to the English, and a great
lover
of our nation, presuming the English were highly provoked against
all Indians, he thought it best prudence to withdraw far into
the country until the wars were abated, and accordingly did so,
about six weeks before. The messengers sent could not meet him,
but they sent their message to him; but he could not be prevailed
with to return, but travelled up into the woods further afterward,
and kept about the head of Connecticut river all winter, where
was a place of good hunting for moose, deer, bear, and other
such wild beasts; and came not near either to the English, or
his own countrymen, our enemies. And now I am speaking of this
Sachem, Wannalanset, I shall mention a few things concerning
him, that are of remark, declaring his honesty, love, and fidelity
to the English. This man is the eldest son living of the ancient
and great Sachem living upon Merrimack river, called Passaconaway;
who lived to a very great age, for I saw him alive at Pawtucket,
when he was about 120 years old. This old Sachem, who was reputed
a powow, or wizzard, was accounted a wise man; and possibly might
have such a kind of spirit upon him as was upon Balaam, who in
xxiii. Numbers 23, said, “Surely there is no enchantment
against Jacob, neither is there any divination against Israel;” and
so this man in effect said concerning the English in New England;
therefore this old Sachem thought it his best
prudence for himself and posterity to make a firm peace with
the English in his time, and submitted to them his lands and
people, as the records of Massachusetts in New England declare;
which peace and good correspondency he held and maintained all
his life, and gave express commands to his sons, especially
to this Wannalanset, that he should inviolably keep and maintain
amity and friendship with the English, and never engage with
any other Indians in a war against them.44 This
Sachem, his successor, was very careful always to observe and
keep his father's engagements
and commands, and hath often spoken of it to the English, declaring
his purpose and resolution to continue so. The old Sachem, as
I noted before, was reputed a very wise and knowing, man, and
a powow. He would sometimes speak his apprepensions to his sons
and people of the growing-greatness of the English in his land,
and that if at any time the Indians did war with them, it would
but be in order to the destruction of the Indians. This present
Sachem follows his father's steps in his love and fidelity to
the English; but moreover, through the grace of Christ about
four or five years since, he did embrace the Christian religion,
after some time of very serious consideration and hearing God's
word preached;45 and
I have charity and faith to believe him to be an honest Christian
man, being one that in his conversation
walks answerably to his knowledge. He prays in his family, and
is careful of keeping the Sabbath, loves to hear God's word,
sober in conversation. After he was withdrawn for fear, as is
before touched, there was a company of English soldiers, about
one hundred, sent under Capt. Mosely, to Pennagog, where it was
reported there was a body of Indians; but it was a mistake, for
there was above one hundred in all of the Pennagog and Namkig
Indians, whereof Wannalanset was chief. When the English drew
nigh, whereof he had intelligence by scouts, they left their
fort and withdrew into the woods and swamps, where they had advantage
and opportunity enough in ambushment, to have slain many of the
English soldiers, without any great hazard to themselves; and
several of the young Indians inclined to it, but the Sachem Wannalanset,
by his authority and wisdom, restrained his men, and suffered
not an Indian to appear or shoot a gun. They were very near the
English, and yet though they were provoked by the English, who
burnt their wigwams and destroyed some dried fish, yet not one
gun was shot at any Englishman. This act speaks much for him,
which himself and some of his men have related to some of his
English friends since his return. Besides, he had messengers
sent to him more than once from the enemy, soliciting him to
join with them, but he always refused; and after he understood
by messengers sent to him by Major Richard Waldron,46 that
he might come in to the English with safety, he complied with
it,
and came in with his relations to Cochecho, where Major Waldron
lived, and was instrumental to bring in others; and now he is
returned again under the English protection to his own place
near Chelmsford, though but there a few people with him of his
near friends, the rest being dead and fled from him either among
their friends or enemies, and now he lives quietly and peaceably
as heretofore, upon his own land.47
About this time48 the
Pankapog49 Indians
brought into Boston- and before the Council some prisoners of
the enemy, that they
had taken in the woods, particularly a noted Indian that lived
near Taunton, called Drummer; and two more also they brought
in, one of their own company named Caleb, whom they had accused
for complotting to run away to Narragansett with another man's
wife, and a young man that he had enticed to go with him, all
which persons were secured. These actions of the praying Indians
of Penkapog, as well as many others, are demonstrations of their
fidelity to the English.
September 9th, 1675, there came to Boston Oneko,
eldest
son to Unkas, Sachem of Mohegan, with about twenty-eight Indians
with him; their business was with the Commissioners of the United
Colonies, then sitting in Boston; their petition consisted of
three heads. 1st. They complained that a party of the Narragansets
had by force taken from a small company of theirs about one hundred
prisoners of Philip's people. 2dly. They desired the confirmation
and assurance of their ancient inheritance of land at Mohegan
and Wabaquisit.50 3dly.
They made intercession on behalf of the eleven Marlborough Indians,
that were now on their trial, and
of whom I have before spoken, alleging they were not guilty of
the fact charged upon them. The Commissioners were not long before
they issued matters with them, and sent them away.
About this time, two of those fifteen Indians brought
down prisoners with the rest from Marlborough, viz. Abraham Spene
and
John Choo,
persons that were not accused of any crime, but belonged to Natick,
and were accidentally at Marlborough when the rest were seized,
and so brought down for company, and held in prison some weeks,
but are now released at the intercession of some of their friends,
and sent out of Boston in the evening, and conducted, by Deacon
Parke of Roxbury, to Mr. Elliot's house, by order of the Council,
that so they might go home to Natick. But when some of the disorderly
rout in Boston heard of their release, about thirty boys and
young fellows got together, and repaired to the house of one
of the. captains51 in
Boston, (whom they apprehended to be no well-wilier to the praying
Indians,) earnestly soliciting him
to head them, and go to the prison, and break it open, and take
out the Indian prisoners of Marlborough and kill them, least
they should be released, as two of them were this evening, as
they understood. But the captain was so prudent as to deny their
request, and to check them for their motion, and presently dismissed
them informing authority thereof, so there was no further stir
in it.52 Those two Indians that were released were honest
and sober Christians and had committed no offence, nor were at
all accused, yet were brought to prison and tied by the neck
to the rest, and put to great sufferings by many days' imprisonment
in a nasty place.
About this time, [Sept. 14, 1675,] a person named
Shattock of Watertown, that was a sergeant under Captain Beers,
when the
said Beers was slain near Squakeage,53 had
escaped very narrowly but a few days before; and being newly
returned home,
this man being at Charlestown in Mr. Lung's porch at the sign
of the Three Cranes, divers persons of quality being present,
particularly Capt. Lawrence Hammond,54 the
Captain of the town, and, others, this Shattock was heard to
say words to this effect. “I hear the Marlborough Indians
in prison in Boston, and upon trial for their lives, are like
to be cleared by the court; for my part, said he, I have been
lately abroad in the country's service, and have ventured my
life for them, and escaped very narrowly; but if they clear
those Indians, they shall hang me up by the neck before I ever
serve them again.” Within a quarter of an hour after these
words were spoken, this man was drowned passing the ferry between
Charlestown and Boston; the ferry-boat being loaded with horses,
and the wind high, the boat sunk; and though there were several
other men in the boat and several horses,-yet all escaped with
life, but this man only. I might here mention several other things
of remark, that happened to other persons that were filled with
displeasure and animosity against the poor Christian Indians,
but shall forbear lest any be offended.
About ten days before this, a party of men, about
one hundred, under command of one Capt. Gorham,55 of Plymouth
Colony, and Lieut.
Upham of Massachusetts, being sent into the Nipmuck country,
to destroy the enemies' cornfields that they had deserted, and
to hinder their relief thereby in winter; these soldiers being
cautioned by their instructions not to spoil any thing belonging
to the poor Christian Indians, that lived among us, and had deserted
their plantations of Hassanamset, Manchauge, and Chobonakonkon,
three villages that lay next the English, in the Nipmuck country.
But this prohibition notwithstanding, at their return, which
was about the 4th of October, and as I was certainly informed
that all they did in this enterprise, was to destroy much of
the corn, and burn the wigwams, and mats, and other things that
they found in those three villages, that belonged to our praying
Indians; but the other places of Pakachooge,56 Wabaage,57 and others where there was abundance of corn, they left untouched,
which after, in the winter, afforded relief to the enemy. But
the praying Indians had theirs destroyed, and were the sufferers
in this affair.
About the middle of October, 1675, the General Court
then sitting at Boston, there were vigorous
endeavours set a foot in
the Deputies' house, occasioned by petitions and complaints
presented to them, from and of the people, for removing the
praying Indians from their plantations; but where to dispose
them was not so duly considered. Hereupon a bill was offered
to the house of magistrates about this matter; but after some debate
upon the bill, not knowing well how or where to dispose these
Indians, the bill was laid aside. But this demur upon
the bill rather heightened an earnest pressing of it, whereupon
a committee of both houses were chosen to consider of the
matter. The committee met, and they were presented with a
paper containing seven heads, showing the difficulty and inconvenience
in that affair, and how it deserved a very serious and
deliberate consideration; the first taken from our covenant with
our King, in our charter, to use our best endeavours to communicate
the Christian religion to the Indians; in pursuance whereof,
there were some ministers encouraged to gain their language, and
labor amongst them to that end, and had now for above thirty years'
space preached the Gospel to them. 2dly. The Bible and divers
other pious books were translated into their language, which divers
of them could well read and understand. 3dly. A school or college
built of brick, at Cambridge, at the charge of the Right Honorable
Corporation in London. 4thly. Churches and Church officers are
settled among them. 5thly. Divers are baptized, both men, women,
and children. 6thly. In judgment of charity, several of them are
believers. A second head, taken from a covenant made with those
Indians and their predecessors, about thirty years since recorded,
the General Court records of the Massachusetts, wherein the Indians'
subjection and the English protection is mutually agreed. Now
a covenant, though made with the Gibeonites, is a very binding
thing, and the breach of it sorely punished by the Lord, as may
appear in 2 Sam. xxi. 1, 2, 3. A third consideration, taken from
our laws, which carefully provides for the encouragement and security
of the praying Indians; see the law, title Indians, page 74.
A fourth reason, taken from the many public letters and printed
papers sent from New England under a stamp of authority, both
from the Commissioners of the United Colonies to the Honorable
Corporation at London, and from the General Court, declaring the
good success of the Gospel among them, particularly to mention
only that passage in the address and petition of the General Court, sitting
at Boston,
in New England, to the high and mighty
Prince, Charles the Second, and presented to his most gracious
notice, Feb. 11th, 1660, in page 7, line 25th. “Royal Sir;
If, according to our humble petition and good hope in the God
of the spirits of all flesh, the Father of mercies (who comforteth
the abject) shall make the permission of that all for which we
have and do suffer the loss of all, precious, yea, so precious
in his sight, as that your royal heart shall be inclined to. show
unto us that kindness of the Lord in your Majesty's protection
of us in those liberties for which we hither came, and which hitherto
we have enjoyed, upon Hezekiah speaking comfortably to us as to
sons, this orphan shall not continue fatherless, but grow up as
a received infant under its nursing father. These Churches shall
be comforted in a door of hope opened by so signal a pledge of
the lengthening of their tranquillity. These poor naked Gentiles,
not a few of whom through Grace are come and coming in, shall
still see their wonted teachers with encouragement of a more plentiful
increase of the kingdom of Christ among them. And the blessing
of your poor a afflicted (and yet we hope, trusting in God) shall
come upon the head and heart of that great King who was sometimes
in exile, as we are. With a religious restipulation of our prayers
we (prostrate at your royal feet) beg pardon for this our boldness,
craving finally that our names may be enrolled amongst your Majesty's
most humble subjects and supplicants.
“JOHN ENDICOT, Governor.
“In
the name and with the consent of the Gen'l Court.”
In this passage we see what sense the General Court had in those
times of this work among the Christian Indians. A fifth consideration
taken from an act of. Parliament to encourage this work, which
is confirmed by our gracious King since his happy restoration,
wherein he hath by royal charter made to the Right Honorable Corporation
residing in London; whereby considerable sums of money were raised,
and revenues purchased, and moneys transmitted annually to encourage
teachers, schoolmasters, and divers other occasions for promoting
the Gospelizing and civilizing these poor natives. 6thly. The
General Court hath granted those Indians lands and townships,
and thereby confirmed and settled them therein as the English; so that, besides their own natural right, they have this legal
title, and stand possessed of them as the English are. A
seventh and last reason, taken from the constant faithfulness
of the generality of these Indians to the English, and their interest
in all changes for above thirty years' experience and serviceableness
in the war, when they were employed and trusted, wherein some
lost their lives and others their limbs. Now against all these
reasons (in an hour of temptation) to do any precipitate action,
referring to these Christian Indians, that hath a tendency to
frustrate and overthrow this great and good work of Gospelizing
and encouraging these Indians, would (in all probability) reflect
greatly upon the piety and prudence of the government of New England.
This paper, containing those arguments, being offered to the committee
of the General Court for consideration, they could not deny but
the matter was weighty, and said that they intended not to present
unto the General Court any thing crossing these things; but only
for present, to satisfy the clamors of the people, to remove these
Indians from their plantations to some other places, for the security
of English and Indians also. The result was, that the committee
presented to the Court for consideration, that those Indians of
Natick be removed to Cambridge neck of land; Wamesitt Indians
to Noddle's Island; Nashobah Indians to Concord; Hassanamesit,
Magunkog, and Marlborough Indians to Mendon; Punkapog Indians
to Dorchester neck of land. But all this signified nothing, for
the English inhabitants of those places utterly refused to admit
them to live so near them; and therefore the Court declined to
consent to the committee's proposals. And therefrom the Court
steered another course; as will appear afterward. Some persons
were much offended at the paper presented to the committee concerning
the Indians, and said the author of it was more a friend to the
Indians than the English; but 't is no strange thing for men's
reason to be darkened, if not almost lost, when the mists of passion
and temptation do prevail.
About the 18th of this instant October, John Watson,
of. Cambridge (before mentioned,) Guardian to the Indians at Natick,
presented
a petition to the General Court in the name, and on behalf of
those Indians; wherein they do, with great modesty and humility,
prostrate themselves at the feet of the honored General Court,
desiring they would not harbour any jealous or harsh thoughts
of them, or hearken to any false informations against them; humbly
desiring the Court to send some more English to reside with them
to inspect their conversation, and secure them; and not to fetch
them off
from their dwellings, which would expose them, especially
the aged and weak, to very much sorrow and misery, both for
want of food and apparel, especially considering that the winter
was approaching. But rather, if the Court pleased, they
would deliver some of their principal men for hostages for
their fidelity, professing their innocency and integrity both
to
the interest of God and the English.
But this petition obtained no favorable aspect, but
rather he that presented it was frowned upon by some. Upon the
19th day of October, the Court past an order to send troopers
to fetch down all the Wammesitt and Pakemitt58 Indians; this was
suddenly done, and, to be feared, in a hurry of temptation. The
reason of this sudden motion, as I was informed, was a report
brought to the Court that a haystack, belonging to Lieut. James
Richardson of Chelmsford, was set on fire and burnt the day before.
This fact was charged upon some of the Indians of Wamesit; but
they were innocent, as was afterwards cleared; for some skulking
Indians of the enemy, that formerly lived about Groton, the principal
whereof was named Nathaniel, he and his party did this and other
mischief afterward, in burning several houses at Chelmsford. And
one principal design of the enemy was to begin a difference between
the English and praying Indians living at Wamesit, that so they
might either be. secured by the English or necessitated to fly
to the enemy. This Nathaniel was afterward taken at Cochecho,
and executed at Boston, who confessed the same. Moreover, Lieutenant
Richardson, whose hay was burnt, was a person
well beloved of those Indians at Wamesit -and their great friend,
who did not apprehend (as he told me) that any of the Wamesit
men had burnt his hay. But others were of a contrary mind, willing
to give credit to any report against the
praying Indians, and accordingly, by their solicitations to the
General Court, obtained an order for a troop of horse (as I said
before) to march up to Wamesit, and bring down those Indians of
Wamesit, to Boston. This matter might have been accomplished as
well by two men as forty troopers; for the Indians, upon the
least message by the Court, would readily have obeyed.
Upon the 20th of October, Mr. Joseph Cook of Cambridge was sent
down (by Cornet Oakes, that commanded the troops,) unto the Court
to inform them the Wamesitt Indians were upon the way coming down
to order, and that they might be there on the morrow; withall
he acquainted the Court that they were in number about one hundred
and forty-five men, women, and children, whereof about thirty-three
were men that were all unarmed; that many of them were naked,
and several of them decrepid with age, sundry infants, and all
wanted supplies of food, for they were fain to leave most they
had behind them, except some small matters they carried upon their
backs. Upon this information, the Court took the matter into more
deliberate consideration, and sent back Mr. Cook, with order to
return all the women, and children, and old men back to their
place, and to bring down only the able men; which order was put
into execution accordingly.
And for the praying Indians belonging
to Punkapog, which were by order brought down to Dorchester
from their fort town,
by Capt.
Brattle and his troops, the Court (after they had spoken with
William Ahaton59 and others of their principal men) received
such satisfaction from them, that they were all returned back to their
habitations, except three or four men that were suspected. But
the Wamesit men, about thirty-three, were brought down to Charlestown,
and secured in the townhouse several days, until the Court had
leisure to examine them, and afterward the most of them were
returned
home again, some persons suspected being garbled from the rest.
Upon the 26th of October, new clamors and reports
were raised and fomented against the Christian Indians of Natick,
upon pretence
that some of them had fired a house or old barn at Dedham, (a
poor old house not worth ten shillings, that stood alone far
distant from the dwelling-houses.) This house, in all probability,
was
set on fire a purpose by some that were back friends to those
poor Indians; thereby to take an occasion to procure the removal
of all those Indians from Natick; the contrivers whereof well
knew that the magistrates generally were very slow to distrust
those poor Christians, this artifice was therefore used to provoke
them. God (who knows all) will I hope one day awaken and convince
the consciences of those persons that have been industriously
active to traduce and afflict
those poor innocent Christians, without cause; for, as to the
body of them, they were always true and faithful to the
English; and I never saw or heard any substantial evidence
to the contrary. Besides this of burning the house, there were
other false informations presented at the same time to the
General Court, to stir them up to a sharp procedure against
those Indians; but the authors of those things being slain,
I
shall omit to mention them.
This contrivance against the Natick Indians obtained
that
which it was designed for, viz. the passing an order in the
General Court, forthwith to remove them from their place unto
Deer Island; having first obtained the consent of Mr. Samuel
Shrimpton, of Boston, (in whose possession that Island was,)
to place them there at present, with this prohibition, that
they should not cut down any growing wood, nor do any damage
to his sheep kept there. In pursuance of this order, Capt. Thomas
Prentiss, (who was a person civil and friendly to those Indians,)
with a party of horse, was commanded to bring them down speedily
to a place called the Pines,60 upon
Charles River, about two miles above Cambridge, where boats
were appointed to be in readiness
to take them on board, and take them to the aforesaid Island.
Captain Prentiss accordingly went up to Natick, with a few men
and five or six carts, to carry such things as were of greatest
necessity; and he declared to them the Court's pleasure for
their removal, unto which they quietly and readily submitted,
and came down with him at an hour or two warning, about two
hundred souls of all sorts. There was one family of them, about
twelve in number, the principal man named old Jethro,61 with
his sons and relations, who secretly ran away in the night;
but this man and his relations were not praying Indians, nor
did they live at Natick, only since the wars, but dwelt at a
place near Sudbury, Nobscot bill, and never submitted to the
Christian profession, but separated from them, being sons of
ill fame, and especially the old man, who had the repute to
be a powow; those ran away for fear at this time, and were
with the enemy, but were taken afterwards at Cocheco, and hanged
at Boston. Good Mr. Elliot, that faithful instructor and teacher
of the praying Indians, met them at the place before mentioned,
where they were to be embarked, who comforted and encouraged
and instructed and prayed with them, and for them; exhorting
them to patience in their sufferings, and confirming the hearts
of those disciples of Christ; and exhorting them to continue
in the faith, for through many tribulations we must enter into
the kingdom of heaven. There were some other Englishmen at the
place called the Pines with Mr. Elliot, who were much affected
in seeing and observing how submissively and Christianly and
affectionately those poor souls carried it, seeking encouragement,
and encouraging and exhorting one another with prayers and tears
at the time of the embarkment, being, as they told some, in
fear that they should never return more to their habitations,
but be transported out of the country; of this I was informed
by eye and ear witnesses of the English nation that were upon
the place at the time. In the night, about midnight, the tide
serving, being the 30th of October, 1675, those poor creatures
were shipped in three vessels and carried away to Deer Island
above mentioned, which was distant from that place about four
leagues, where I shall leave them at present.
Upon the same day that the order past to remove
those native Indians to Deer Island, the Wamesit Indians before
mentioned
being in prison at Charlestown, thirty-three men were sent for
before the General Court at Boston, and charged with burning
a stack of hay at Chelmsford, belonging to James Richardson.
The Indians were first examined singly and apart, and then more
of them together, but they all vehemently denied the fact or
privity with any that did it; but, notwithstanding, they were
sorely taunted at with bitter words by some that accused them;
but no proof appeared, and it was afterward discovered that
they were all innocent, and that the enemy did it as I have
before related; the issue of this examination and charge was,
that three of the company, viz. one named Will Hawkins, a Narragansett
Indian, that used constantly to work about Salem, and was now,
since the war, retired to Wamesit, and two others that were
not praying Indians, nor properly belonging to Wamesit, but
retired thither since the war; these three were condemned to
be sold for slaves, and sent out of the country, and accordingly
committed to prison in order to their disposal out of the country; and afterward were sent away. But all the rest, being thirty,
were ordered to return back to Charlestown to continue under
restraint still. A vote passed in the House of Deputies, as
I heard, finding all the Wamesitt Indians guilty of burning
the hay; but it was not consented unto by the magistrates,
and so, after the adjournment of the Court, the Council ordered
the taking out of some of the most
suspicious Indians from the Wamesits, who did not properly
belong to them, but were come in to them since the war; these
being garbled out and secured in prison. The rest of the Wamesit
Indians, being about twenty, were sent back to their
wives and children at Wamesit. But as they passed home,
being under the guard of Lieutenant James Richardson, and a
file of soldiers, they were to march through a village called
Woburn, at which time the-trained band of that place were
exercising.: Lieutenant Richardson and his Indians, with their
guard, before they drew near the English soldiers, made halt,
and he held out his handkerchief as a flag of truce, whereupon
the Captain and officers of the band sent to Richardson, who
showing them his commission from the Council to conduct those
Indians safely to their homes; whereupon the Captain and officers
gave very strict charge to all the soldiers not to shoot a gun
until all the Indians were past and clear, nor yet to give any
opprobrious words. But notwithstanding this strict prohibition,
when the Indians were passing by, a young fellow, a soldier
named Knight, discharged his musket and killed one of the Indians
stone dead, being very near him. The person slain was a stout
young man, very nearly allied to the principal praying Indians
of Natick and Wamesit, whose grandfather and uncle were pious
men, his father long since slain in the war with the Magues.
The murderer was presently apprehended and committed to prison,
and not long after tried for his life, but was acquitted by
the jury, much contrary to the mind of the bench; the jury
alleged they wanted evidence, and the prisoner plead that his
gun went off by accident, indeed witnesses were mealy-mouthed
in giving evidence. The jury was sent out again and again by
the judges, who were much unsatisfied with the jury's proceedings; but yet the jury did not see cause to alter their mind, and
so the fellow was cleared.
About the beginning of November, intelligence came
from Mendon, by two of the principal Christian Indians that escaped,
viz.
James Speen and Job Kattenanit, how the enemy had seized upon,
and carried away captive, the Christian Indians that were at
Hassanamesit, who were gathering, threshing, and putting up
in Indian barns (as the manner is) a considerable crop of Indian
corn that grew in that place and parts adjacent; these two
men, and some squaws and children, being at a little distance
from the rest, made a shift to get away, but could not certainly
relate what number of the enemy there were, or whither they
had carried their friends. The people captivated were for the
most part unarmed, about fifty men, and one hundred and fifty
women and children; the enemy's Indians, as we afterwards particularly
understood, were about three hundred, all well armed, who declared
to our Christian Indians, (among whom they had some kindred)
and
wanted them to go with them quietly, then they would spare their
lives; otherwise they would take away all their corn, and then
they would be famished. And further they argued with them, if
we do not kill you, and that you go to the English again, they
will either force you all to some Island as the Natick Indians
are, where you will be in danger to be starved with cold and
hunger, and most probably in the end be all sent out of the
country for slaves. These kind of arguments used by the enemy,
and our friends' inability to defend themselves, together with
their fear of hard measure from the English, whereof some of
them had late experience; for among these were the eleven Indians
that were so long imprisoned at Boston, and tried for their
lives upon a pretended murder done by them at Lancaster above
mentioned, whereof they knew themselves innocent, and were acquitted; but they smarted so much, in and about the matter, they were
in fear of further sufferings; upon these considerations, many
of them at last were inclined, in this strait, of two evils
to choose the least, as it to them appeared, and to accompany
the enemy to their quarters, under their promise of good usage
and protection; and perhaps if Englishmen, and good Christians
too, had been in their case and under like temptations, possibly
they might have done as they did.
The chief man among these praying Indians, who also
was their ruler, named Capt. Tom, alias Wuttasacomponom,62 a
prudent, and
I believe, a pious man, and had given good demonstration of
it many years. I had particular acquaintance with him, and cannot
m charity think otherwise concerning him in his life, or at
his death, though possibly in this action he was tempted beyond
his strength; for, had he done as lie ought, lie should rather
have suffered death, than have gone among the wicked enemies
of the people of God. This man yielded to the enemies arguments,
and by his example drew most of the rest, for which he afterwards
suffered death, being executed at Boston, the June after; yet
there were some of those Christian Indians went away with the
enemy with heavy hearts and weeping eyes, particularly Joseph
Tuckappawill,63 the
pastor of the church at Hassanamesitt, and his aged father, Naoas,
and some others, of which I had particular information
from some that were eye and ear witnesses thereof. This
providence, concerning those Christian Indians being carried
thus away by the enemy, was a very deep wound to the work
of Gospelizing the Indians, for this people were considerable
for number as before is hinted. Being the greatest part of
three Indian villages, viz. Hassanamesit, Magunkog, and
Chobone-Konhonom.64 It was also a weakening to the English
in removing these frontier Indian plantations and forts,
which would have been as walls under God to us, as the
sequel proved. Besides, many of these poor Christians lost
their lives by war, sickness, and famine; and some were
executed that came in to us: it was a great scandal to the
Christian religion they professed, yet through God's favor
some of them were preserved alive and are reconciled again
to the English, and now live among the rest of the Christian
Indians, and in especial those of them that lamented and
mourned when they were carried away the Lord spared their
lives and brought them back to the enjoyment of sanctuary
mercies.
Upon this intelligence of the enemies' appearance
about
Hassanamesit, two companies of English soldiers were despatched
away into these parts, one commanded by Captain
Daniel Henchman, the other by Captain Joseph Sill. This
last took with him for guides five Natick Indians. When they
came to Hassanamesit, they found signs of the enemy, but
could see no considerable company of them. But Captain
Syll, being at Hassanamesit the 6th of November, hearing a
noise early in the morning, sent forth two files of men, with
two Indians, viz. James Quanapohit, and Eliazor Pegin; they
had not gone far, but they discovered seven of the enemy
and one of them leading an Englishman; the enemy discovering our
men fled, but the two Indians James and Eliazor pursued them
so close, and firing upon the man that led the English youth,
he was forced to leave his prisoner, and they rescued him and
brought him to their captain;65 also
James the Indian recovered a musket from the enemy at the same
time; this English youth,
whose name was Christopher Muchin, was thus delivered from the
barbarous enemy by the courage and activity of our Indians.
This English so taken informed the Captain that those seven
Indians with whom he was taken had seized him at Peter Bent's
mill in Marlborough the day before, and had also seized and
scalped a youth of about nine years old, that was his master
Peter Bent's son, and left the lad at the mill as dead. Another
good service that one of those Christian Indians did in this
expedition, namely Thomas Quannapohit, (brother to James above
mentioned,) this man had the use of his left hand only, for
lie lost the use of his other hand by a gun-shot in the beginning
of the war at Mount Hope, as is before related. This fellow
was witty and courageous, as may appear in the story following.
After the former service done at Hassanemesit, the two English
companies joined with Captain Daniel Henchman and Captain Joseph
Syll. And after their conjunction they marched to a place called
Packachooge, about ten miles distant from Hassanamesit towards
the northwest, where was great plenty of good Indian corn, and
in this place hoped to meet some of the enemy coming to this
place, they saw signs of Indians that had been
lately there, but it seems were withdrawn upon the approach
of the English. At this place our forces took up their quarters
one night, there being two wigwams which was good shelter for
our soldiers, the weather being wet and stormy. The next morn
our forces searched about the cornfields to find the enemy,
but could not discover them, though in all probability the enemy
saw them in all their motions and concealed themselves; for
this is their ordinary way, to lie hid in thick swamps and other
secret places, and to move as our men do scatter themselves
in small parties, and lie close observing all our men's motions.
The English in their search found above one hundred bushels
of Indian corn newly gathered, and a
great quantity of corn standing. About ten o'clock in the
forenoon, the English captains and their soldiers marched
back to Hassanamesit; being gone about two miles on their way,
Captain Henchman missing, as he apprehended, his letter-case,
wherein his writings and orders were, he sent back two Endlishmen
and the Indian Thomas on horseback, to see at the
wigwams where he lodged to find his papers. These messengers
accordingly going back, the Indian led them away and ascending
up a sleep hill, at the top whereof stood the wigwam;
as soon as ever he discovered it, being not above six rods
distance, he saw two Indian enemies standing at the wigwam
door, newly come out, and four more sitting at the fire in the
house; at which sight he bestirred himself, and looking back
called earnestly (as if many men were behind coming up the hill)
to hasten away and encompass the enemy; one of the enemy thereupon
presented his gun at our Indian, but the dun missing fire, (probably
the moist rainy weather had put it out of case,) whereupon the
rest of them that were in the wigwam came all out and ran away
as fast as they could, suspecting that the English forces were
at hand; and then Thomas with his two comrades, having thus
prudently scared away the enemy, they thought it seasonable
also to ride back again to their company as fast as they could.
And indeed there was good reason for it, because Thomas the
Indian had only a pistol, one of the Englishmen, who was their
chirurgeon, a young man, had no gun; the third had a gun, but
the flint was lost : so that they were in ill case to defend
themselves or offend the enemy; but God preserved them by the
prudence and courage of this Indian, which deliverance one of
the Englishmen directly acknowledged to me, attributing their
preservation under God to this fellow. So they got safe to their
Captain, who in the interim searching diligently had found his
letter-case, and staid for these messengers; so that God ordered
this affair to magnify his own grace in delivering those men,
and to give to the English a demonstration of the fidelity and
prudence of our Christian Indians.
Notwithstanding these signal services performed
by these our Indian friends, yet there were some of Capt. Syll's
inferior
officers and soldiers, who (being infected with the spirit of
enmity against all Indians) murmured greatly against these Indians,
their guides and keepers, in so much that their Captain (to
satisfy them) sent home three of the five, though, as he told
me, he found no fault with them, but did it merely to quiet
his soldiers that were of malevolent spirits against them;
he retained with him James and Thomas Quannapohit till his return.
After this, nothing was done against the enemy by these two
companies; only Capt. Henchman, after Syll and he were parted,
having no Indian guide with him, sustained a great loss; for
his lieutenant, one Philip Curtis, of Roxbury, a stout man,
was slain, and another private soldier with him; and the Captain
in great danger, in a charge that Capt. Henchman and a small
party of his men made in the night upon some Indians, judged
to be about forty, that were in a wigwam at Hassanamesit, which
enterprise was a few days after the parting of their forces.
Capt. Henchman told me he judged several of the enemy were slain
in the wigwam by him attacked, but the certainty is not known.
But 't was certain he lost two of his men as before said, whereof
his Lieutenant was one; whose heads the enemy cut off, and
placed upon a crotched pole at the wigwam door, faced against
each other, which were seen a few days after by the English.66
About
the 13th of November, one of our Christian Indians, (a trusty
and faithful man,) named Job Kattenanit, who had been
preacher at Magunkog, this man having three children carried
away by the enemy from Hassanamesit, (the story whereof is formerly
mentioned,) himself at that time escaping to the English at
Mendon; lie applied himself to Major Gookin, desiring of him
a pass to go into the woods to seek for his children, and endeavour
to get them out of the enemies' hand; alleging that his affections
were so great to his children, (their mother being dead,) and
he in a widowed estate, was willing to venture his life among
the enemy, in order to the recovery of his children (and possibly,
said he, if God spare my life, I may bring you some intelligence
of the residence and state of the enemy, which may be very useful
to the English). These arguments prevailed with the Major (who
had also special order from the Council to endeavour to gain
intelligence of the enemy) to grant a pass or certificate to
the said Job, in the words following. “These may certify
that the bearer hereof, Job, of Magunkog, is a trusty Indian,
and therefore, if any Englishman meet him, it is desired they
will not misuse him, but secure him, and convey him to the Governor
or myself, and they shall be satisfied for their pains.
“Dated
the 13th day of the 9th month, 1675.
(Signed) “DANIEL GOOKIN,
Sen.”
The design of this certificate was innocent, and
more respected the Indian's safe conduct at his return, than
to secure
him
at his forth going. But it met with hard construction, and the
person that had it, with much sufferings; and, consequently,
the projection to gain intelligence of the state of the enemy
was frustrated, which was a matter the English greatly needed
at this time, being inland with a great expedition against the
enemy. The providence of God so ordered this matter, that this
Job, at his going forth, met with some of Capt. Henchman's scouts,
not far from Hassanamesit, whom the Indian saw before they discovered
him, and he could easily have concealed himself, (as he told
me,) but he, not fearing to speak with the English, from whom
he was sent with a pass, stood in open view; and when the English
saw him, they rode up to him, and some of them said, “Let
us kill him”; but others said, “He is a lone man,
let us not kill him, but carry him to our captain to be examined.” This
latter counsel prevailed; and then they seized him, and disarmed
him, and took away his clothes, so that his gun and some clothes
were then plundered, and he never had them again to this day.
So they carried him to Capt. Henchman, who examined him, for
the Indian spoke good English; the Indian told him all the
truth of matters, and showed him his certificate; but the Captain,
being ignorant of the design, sent both him and his pass to
the Governor, at Boston, who more to satisfy the clamors of
the people than for any offence committed by this man, he was
committed to the common jail, and there remained under very
great sufferings for three weeks' time; for there were many
Indians there, in a small prison, which was very noisome. After
three weeks' time, when the clamor was over, he was discharged
from prison, and sent to Deer Island, unto the rest of his suffering
countrymen. He had committed no offence (that ever I heard of),
but was imprisoned merely to still the clamors of the people,
who railed much against this poor fellow, and fain would have
had him put to death, (though they knew not wherefore.) But
those murmurings were not only against the Indian, but as much
against Major Gookin, who granted him the certificate; some
not sparing to say, that he was sent forth to give intelligence
to the enemy, and such like false and reproachful reflections
upon their friends, that had many ways approved their fidelity
to the country. But this was an hour of temptation and murmuring,
as sometime God's own people are inclinable unto, as at Massah
and Meribah. Thus it pleased God to exercise this poor Job,
yet reserved him for greater service afterward, as in the sequel
will appear.
The 15th of November, there befell another great
trial to the poor praying Indians at Wamesit; they lived very
near
to Lieutenant
Thomas Henchman, about two miles from Chelmsford, and were ,under
the guard and care of Lieutenant Richardson, appointed thereunto
by the Council. The antecedents to this affliction of the Indians
was this. A barn belonging to Richardson, being full of hay
and corn, was set on fire and consumed. This was done by some
skulking rogues of the enemy, that formerly lived about Groton,
as we afterward understood; but the English at Chelmsford imputed
the fact to the Wamesitt Indians, as they had formerly done
by the same man's hay, and thereby brought much trouble upon
these poor Christians. Upon this occasion, about fourteen armed
men from Chelmsford, pretending to scout and look out for the
enemy, but as I was informed, it was moved among them and concluded,
that they would go to the wigwams of the Wamesit Indians, their
neighbours, and kill them all; in pursuance whereof they came
to the wigwams, and called to the poor Indians to come out of
doors, which most of them readily did, both men, women, and
children, not in the least suspecting the English would hurt
them. But two of the English being loaded with pistol-shot,
being not far off, fired upon them and wounded five women and
children,
and slew outright a lad of about twelve years old, which child's
mother was also one of the wounded; she was a widow, her
name Sarah, a woman of good report for religion. She was
daughter to a Sagamor, named Sagamor John, who was a great
friend to the English, who lived and died at the same place. Her
two husbands, both deceased, were principal Sagamores, the one
named John Tohatooner, and the other Oonamog, both
pious men, and rulers of the praying Indians, one at Marblerough,
the other at Nashobah; her last husband died before the
war, the first long before. This youth slain was only son to
the first husband; his grandfather, old Tahattawarre,67 was
a
Sachem, and a pious man. God was pleased to restrain the
other twelve Englishmen, that they did -not fire their guns
upon the poor Indians; that which was done was too much, and
was an action very much decried by all wise and prudent men,
especially by the magistracy and ministry. As soon as this intelligence
came to Authority, warrants were sent forth to apprehend the
murderers; their names were Lorgin and Robins; they were seized
and committed to prison, and afterward tried
for their lives, but were cleared by the jury, to the great
grief and trouble generally of magistracy and ministry and other
wise and godly men. The jury pretended want of clear evidence; but some feared it was rather a mist of temptation and prejudice
against these poor Indians that darkened their way. This cruel
murder and fight occasioned most of those poor Christian Indians
to fly away from their wigwams not long after, but carried little
or nothing with them; but for fear, rather exposed themselves
and families to the hardships and sufferings of hunger and cold,
than to be under the harsh dealings of cruel men. But as soon
as the Council were informed that the Indians were fled, they
sent out orders to Lieutenant Henchman to send after them, and
endeavour to persuade them to return; but their fears so prevailed
that they refused to return, but sent back a letter directed
“To
Mr. THOMAS HENCHMAN, of Chelmsford.
“I, Numphow, and John a Line, we send the
messenger to
“you again (Wecoposit) with this answer, we cannot come
“home again, we go towards the French, we go where Wanalancit
“is; the reason is, we went away from our home, we
“had help from the Council, but that did not do us good, but
“we had wrong by the English. 2dly. The reason is we went
“away from the English, for when there was any harm done in
“Chelmsford, they laid it to us and said we did it, but we know
“ourselves we never did harm to the English, but we go away
“peaceably and quietly. 3dly. As for the Island, we say there
“is no safety for us, because many English be not good, and
“may be they come to us and kill us, as in the other case.
“We are not sorry for what we leave behind, but we are sorry
“the English have driven us from our praying to God and from
“our teacher. We did begin to understand a little of praying
“to God. We thank humbly the Council. We remember
“our love to Mr. Henchman and James Richardson. |
| |
“The mark of £ JOHN LYNE, |
} their Rulers.” |
| |
“The mark of X NUPHOW,68 |
This is a true copy of their letter, word for
word, wherein may be seen, that they had reason as well as fear, that
put
them upon that motion. This letter was brought back by the messenger
sent after them, an Indian, named Wepocositt, that was servant to William
Fletcher, of Chelmsford, whom Lieutenant Henchman procured to go after
them. About twenty-three days after this, the greatest part of the
Wamesit Indians (being put to great straits for want of food) returned
back to their wigwams, whereof Lieutenant Henchman forthwith informed
the Council at Boston; and they gave him order to encourage and cherish
them, and also appointed a committee,.viz. Major Gookin, Major Willard,
and Mr. John Elliot, to ride up to Chelmsford to encourage and settle
them, and to persuade the English at Chelmsford to be more friendly
to them, also to take care for necessary provision for them; moreover,
the same committee were appointed to visit the Nashobah Christian Indians
that now lived at Concord, and to endeavour to quiet and compose the
minds of the English there, touching those Indians.
In pursuance whereof, the said committee, (in a cold and
very sharp season,) upon Dec. 13th, went up to those places to put the
Council's
order in execution, which was done accordingly, and matters were so
well settled, (as they conceived,) that those poor Indians were in
hopes to, live quietly. The said committee also sent forth some of
the Indians to fetch back eighteen of the Wamesit Indians that were
left behind, being afraid to return with the rest, but staid about
Pennagog; among whom was that poor widow who was wounded and her son
slain by the Chelmsford men, before mentioned; those came to the rest
a few days after. The committee also appointed Englishmen to be as
guardians to those Indians by night and day, to prevent any inconvenience
either to the English or Indians; and for the Christian Indians that
were at Concord, the committee placed them under the inspection and
government of Mr. John Hoare;69 the
said Indians having pitched their wigwams in his ground, near his house,
this man was very loving to
them, and very diligent and careful to promote their good, and to secure
the English from any fear or damage by them. But notwithstanding the
care of the Council, and the travel of this committee for the settling
this affair, yet new troubles arose not long after this, through the
inordinate fears and corruptions of men; which in the sequel may be
further declared. One thing more I shall here add, which was told me
by Mr. Thomas Clark, preacher at Chelmsford, concerning those Wamesit
Indians; he, speaking with the teacher of those Indians, named Symon
Beckom,70 had this account from him. At their return, being questioned
by Mr. Clark what they did in their absence, said Symon, “We
kept three Sabbaths in the woods; the first Sabbath,” said he, “I
read and taught the people out of Psalm 35, the second Sabbath from
Psalm 46, the third Sabbath out of Psalm 118,” which Scriptures,
being considered, were very suitable to encourage and support them
in their sad condition; this shows, that those poor people have some
little knowledge of, and affection to the word of God, and have some
little ability (through grace) to apply such meet portions thereof,
as are pertinent to their necessities.
1675. About the latter end of Dec., I had (among others)
sometimes opportunity to accompany Mr. Elliot to visit and comfort the
poor Christian
Indians confined to Deer Island, who were (a little before) increased
to be about five hundred souls, by addition of the Punkapog Indians,
sent thither upon as little cause as the Naticks were. The enmity,
jealousy, and clamors of some people against them put the magistracy
upon a kind of necessity to send them all to the Island; and although
it was a great suffering to the Indians to live there, yet God brought
forth this good by it; first, their preservation from the fury of
the people, secondly, the humbling and bettering the Indians by this
sore affliction. I observed in all my visits to them, that they carried
themselves patiently, humbly, and piously, without murmuring or complaining
against the English for their sufferings, (which were not few,) for
they lived chiefly upon clams and shell-fish, that they digged out
of the sand, at low water; the Island was bleak and cold, their wigwams
poor and mean, their clothes few and thin; some little corn they had
of their own, which the Council ordered to be fetched from their plantations,
and conveyed to them by little and little; also a boat and man was
appointed to look after them. I may say in the words of truth (according
to my apprehension), there appeared among them much practical Christianity
in this time of their trials.
After the fight, which was between the English and the
Indians at Narraganset, the 11th71 day
of December, 1675, the Council of Massachusetts
were
very desirous to use means to gain intelligence of the state of the
enemy; and, in pursuance thereof, passed an order empowering Major
Gookin-to use his best endeavour to procure two meet persons of the
praying Indians, from Deer Island, to undertake that service, and to
promise them a reward for their encouragement. Accordingly, upon the
28th of December, he went down to Deer Island, and advising with two
or three of the principal men, they approved the design and of the
persons he had pitched upon for that employ, if they could be procured,
namely, Job Kattenanit and James Quannapohit (of whom I have formerly
spoken). These, being spoken to by the Major about this matter, answered,
that they were very sensible of the great hazard and danger in this
undertaking; yet their love to the English, and that they might give
more demonstrations of their fidelity, they being also encouraged by
their chief men, they said, by God's assistance, they would willingly
adventure their lives in this service. They had no more but five pounds
apiece promised for their encouragement. The same day, the Major brought
them up with him, and conveyed them privately, in the night, to his
house at Cambridge, and there kept them in secret until all things
were fitted for their journey, and instruction and orders given them.
And then, upon the 30th of December, before day, they were sent away,
being conducted by an Englishman unto the falls of Charles River, and
so they passed on their journey undiscovered. These two spies acquitted
themselves in this service prudently, and faithfully brought the intelligence
which might have conduced much to the advantage of the English had
their advice been wisely improved. They first fell among the enemy's
quarters about Menumesse,72 where
the Nipmuck, Quabage, and Wesakam73 Indians74 kept their rendezvous, among whom were most of the praying Indians
that
were captivated from Hassanamesit, as was formerly declared. These
spies were instructed to tell a fair, yet true story to the enemy;
that they were some of the poor Natick Indians, confined to Deer Island,
where they had lived all this winter under great sufferings; and now
these being gotten off, they were willing to come among their countrymen
and find out their friends that had lived at Hassanamesit, and to understand
the numbers, strength, unity, and estate of their countrymen, that
were in hostility with the English, that so they might be the better
able to advise their friends at Deer Island and elsewhere, what course
to steer, for the future; and that one of them (namely, Job) had all
his children among them, and other kindred, which induced him to run
this adventure. These, and such like fair pretences, took off much
suspicion, and gave them -opportunity to inform themselves particularly
of all the affairs and designs of the enemy.
1675. Upon the 24th day of January, James Quannapohit (one
of the spies) returned, and was conducted to Major Gookin's house, from
the falls
of Charles River, by one Isaac Williams, an Englishman, that lived
near that place. This man was friendly to the Christian Indians, and
had courteously entertained, lodged, and refreshed this our spy the
night before; for he was very weary, faint, and spent in travelling
near eighty miles. The snow being deep in the woods, he was necessitated
to go upon rackets or snow-shoes, upon the top of the snow, which is
very tiresome travelling. His examination and intelligence being written
by Major Gookin, he went down with him to the Governor and Council
the next day. The particulars of his examination are too long here
to be mentioned,75 and
not so pertinent to our design, though most things he related proved
true, which argued for his fidelity. The main
matters were, that the enemy quartered in several places this winter.
Philip and his soldiers not far from Fort Albany. The Nipmuck and divers
others, about Menumesse. That they intended a general rendezvous in
the spring of the year, and then they would prosecute the war vigorously
against the Engish, burn and destroy the towns. They heard of the fight
between the English and the Narragansetts, and rejoiced much at that
breach, hoping now to be strong enough to deal with the English, when
the Narragansetts and they were joined. That there were messengers
sent (while our spies were there) from the Narragansetts to the Nipmucks,
that quartered about Menumesse, declaring their desire to join with
them and Philip. That the enemy gloried much in their number and strength,
and that all this war their loss of men was inconsiderable. They seemed
to be very high and resolute, and expect to carry all before them.
He said, they lived this winter upon venison chiefly, and upon some
corn they had got together before winter from several deserted plantations.
The enemy boasted of their expectation to be supplied with arms and
ammunition and men from the French, by the hunting Indians.
He declared the enemy purposed, within three weeks, to fall
upon Lancaster, and cut off the bridge in the first place, to obstruct
any
assistance
(which thing the enemy exactly fulfilled, as to time and mode of their
proceeding, as this man declared). Also, successively to burn and destroy
the other frontier town, which they did accordingly. The reason why
this spy returned so soon, and left his comrade, was this; because
Mautampe,76 a chief sachem
among the Quabage Indians, declared to James, that he should accompany
him to visit Philip, and to acquaint and inform
him of affairs at Boston, and of the breach between the English and
Narragansetts. James, being a witty fellow, seemed to consent to Mautampe's
desire, but withal insinuated this excuse; saith he, “Philip
knows me, and that I fought against him last summer on the English
part at Mount Hope, and he will not believe me, that I am really turned
to his side, unless I do some notable exploit first, and kill some
Englishmen and carry their heads to him. Let me, therefore, have some
opportunity and time to do some signal service, before I go to Philip.” This
excuse seemed to satisfy Mautampe. But James, doubting that he would
take him with him in the journey, (he being intended to take this journey
within a few days after), and James could not prevent it, if the sachem
should change his mind and command him to accompany him;
therefore James resolved to endeavour an escape before the
sachem took his journey, especially being informed secretly by
Joseph Tuhapawillin, the minister of Hassenasit (there with
the enemy against his mind), that Philip had given strict order
to all his soldiers to surprise, as they could, certain of the
praying Indians, of their most valiant men, whereof this James
was one; and that they should bring them unto him alive, that
he might put them to some tormenting and cruel death; which
hitherto had been prevented by the care and kindness of a
great captain among them, named John, with one eye, belongIng to Nashaway,
who had civilly treated and protected James,
and entertained him at his wigwam all the time of his being there.
The cause of this his special love to James was because lie had been
a fellow-soldier with him in the Manhake war, and about ten years past.
James acquainted his comrade Job with his purpose to escape home, desiring
his company
with him. Job concealed his purpose, and secretly contrived with him
for his escape; “But,” said he, “I am not yet in
a posture fit to go, for I cannot carry my children with me, and I
have not yet considered of a way to bring them off; moreover,” said
he, “I am willing to venture a little longer, and go down with
the Indians that are to meet with the Narragansetts; and, if I live,
I may get more intelligence. And,” said he, “if God spare
my life, I intend to come away about three weeks hence.” But
James earnestly persuaded him to go with him now; “for,” said
he, 'c after I am gone, I fear the enemy will suspect us to be spies,
and then kill you.” But Job was resolved to stay and venture
a little longer, in order to his children's release, and to contrive
a way for the escape of some other Christian Indians that were among
the enemy, that longed for deliverance. So James came away, and got
safe home as is above declared;77 but
Job staid behind, and returned not until the 9th of February; and
then, about ten o'clock in the
night, came to Major Gookin's house at Cambridge, conducted thither
by one Joseph Miller, that lived near the falls of Charles River. He
brought tidings, that before he came from the enemy at Menemesse, a party
of the Indians, about four hundred, were marched forth to attack and
burn Lancaster; and, on the morrow, which was February 10th, they would
attempt it. This time exactly suited with James his information before
hinted, which was not then credited as it should have been; and, consequently,
not so good means used to prevent it, or at least to have lain in ambushments
for the enemy. As soon as Major Gookin understood this tidings by Job,
lie rose out of his bed, and, advising with Mr. Danforth, one of the
Council, that lived near him, they despatched away post, in the night,
to Marlborough, Concord, and Lancaster, ordering forces to surround
Lancaster with all speed. The posts were at Marlborough by break of
day, and Captain Wadsworth,78 with
about forty soldiers, marched away, as speedily as lie could possibly,
to Lancaster (which was ten miles
distant). But, before he got there, the enemy had set fire on the bridge;
but Captain Wadsworth got over, and beat off the enemy, recovered a
garrison-house that stood near another bridge, belonging to Cyprian
Stevens, and so, through God's favor, prevented the enemy from cutting
off the garrison; God strangely preserving that handful with Captain
Wadsworth, for the enemy were numerous, about four hundred, and lay
in ambushment for him on the common road. But his guides conducted
him a private way; and so they got safe to Cyprian Stevens his garrison
as abovementioned. But the enemy had taken and burnt another garrison-house
very near the other, only a bridge and a little ground parting them.
This house burnt was the minister's house, named Mr. Rolandson, wherein
were slain and taken captive about forty persons, the minister's wife
and children amongst them. But I must recollect myself; it being not
my design to write of the doings and sufferings of the English in this
tract, but of the Indians, our friends. Besides this seasonable information
concerning Lancaster, by Job, lie also informed of the conjunction
of the Narragansett Indians with the other enemies, and of their further
purposes shortly to attack Medfield, Groton, and Marlborough, and other
places. Sundry other material things Job informed us of, touching the
Narragansetts and their designs. Moreover, he and others (our friends
among the Indians) had contrived a way and appointed a time for the
escape of his
children and some honest Indians with them; and agreed upon
a place and time to meet them in the woods, that he might
conduct them safe to the English; arid, in special, Joseph
Tuckappawillin, pastor of the church (late at Hassanesit), and his
aged father, Naoas, the deacon of the church, with their wives and
children, which were of that number. And for this purpose, Job made
a petition to the Council to have liberty and opportunity to go at
the tine appointed to fetch them in, and it was granted him. But notwithstanding
there were vicissitudes of intervening providence, that befell those
poor Indians and Job also, before it was effected; as in that which
follows will appear. After the coming back of those two spies, they
were sent again to Deer Island. And although they had run such hazards,
and done so good service (in the judgment of the authority of the country
and other wise and prudent men), yet the vulgar spared not to load
them with reproaches, and to impute the burning of Mendon (a deserted
village) unto them, and to say that all they informed were lies, and
that they held correspondence with the enemy, or else they had not
come back safe; and divers other things were muttered, both against
the spies and authority that sent them, tending to calumniate the poor
men that had undertaken and effected this great affair, which none
else (but they) were willing to engage m; which declares the rude
temper of those times.
About the 5th of February, a petition from the Wamesit
Indians (living near Chelmsford) was presented to the Council by the
hands of
Jerathmel
Bowers (one of their guardians), the purport whereof was, to desire
earnestly that they might be removed from the place where they were;
declaring they feared to stay, because (in all probability) other Indians
would come and do mischief shortly, and it would be imputed
to them, and they should suffer for it. The Council answered their
petition, that they would endeavour to remove them speedily. But there
was greater delay about it than was intended, by reason of divers other
momentous occasions intervening. So that, within a few days after,
these poor Indians of Wamesit (finding themselves m great danger, being
threatened by some of their English neighbours.) they all ran away
into the woods towards Pennahoog; only they left behind them six or
seven aged persons, blind and lame, which, not long after, were destroyed
by some cruel and wicked men, in a secret manner,
who set fire to the wigwam where they kept, and burnt them
all. The authors of this fact were not openly known, nor so
clearly witnessed thereof, as to proceed against them by authority;
but two persons were suspected strongly to be the actors,
one of whom shortly after was slain at Sudbury; the other is
yet alive, who, if guilty, which his own conscience knows, the
Lord give him repentance for this so inhuman and barbarous
fact, or else undoubtedly the just God will in due time avenge
this innocent blood. This fact, when heard of, was deservedly
abhorred by all sober persons. Those poor Christian Indians
of Wamesit escaped clear away, and joined themselves with
Wannalencet, who had withdrawn himself in the beginning of
the war. They suffered much in their peregrination (as we
afterward understood), and sundry of them died by sickness,
whereof two were principal (and I hope pious) men; the one
named Numphow, their chief ruler, and the other Mystic
George, a teacher, of them; besides divers other men, women, and children,
through famine and sickness lost their lives. The rest of them, in August
following, came in with Wannalancet to Major Walderne, and the rest of
the committee at Cocheco, who were appointed to treat and make peace
with such as came in and surrendered; these Wamesitt Indians, as well
as Wannalancet and his people, had not been in hostility against the
English, nor had done them any wrong, only fled away for fear, and for
wrongs suffered from some English; so that there lay no just block in
the way unto their reconciliation, so they were accepted; and yet, afterward,
when they were sent to Boston, accusations came against some of them
by English captives escaped, that some of them were in arms against the
English, (how true those charges were God only knows, for 't is very
difficult, unless upon long knowledge, to distinguish Indians from one
another,) however, the testimony of the witnesses against them were admitted,
and some of them condemned to death and executed, and others sent to
Islands out of the country; but some few were pardoned and reconciled,
whereof Wannalancet and six or seven of his men were a part, and the
Wamesit Indians, Sam Numphow (hardly escaped), Symon Betokam, Jonathan,
George, a brother to Sam Numphow, and very few other men, but several
women and children, who now lived among the rest.
1675. Upon the 21st day of February, the General Court of
Massachusetts convened, according to a former adjournment. As soon
as they were met, tidings were brought them, that a body of the enemy,
about four hundred, had attacked that morning a town called Medfield,
about eighteen miles from Boston west southerly, (and although it be
a digression yet I shall take liberty to give a particular account
of it, because occasion was taken hereby to bring more trouble and
affliction
upon the Christian Indians; and also it may serve, once for all, for
an example of the manner and methods of the enemies' proceeding against
the English in this war; and give you a taste of their pride and insolence,
and the craft and subtlety used by them in their enterprises, especially
at this time when they were in their highest raffe.)
Upon the 21st day of February, 1675, very early in the
morning,, a considerable body of Indians, between three and four hundred,
in the
preceding night (or rather a little before day), conveyed themselves
secretly into every part of the town,79 especially
in the south-east end, next Dedham, having fitted themselves with combustible
matter,
and therewith set several houses on fire, as it were in one instant
of time, planting men in ambushment near the houses, that as soon as
the people came forth they might shoot them down, as they did. There
was at this time in the town a foot company of soldiers, under command
of Capt. Jacob, of about eighty men, and a ply of horse under command
of Cornet Oakes, about twenty, and of the trained band of the town
about one hundred men, the whole about two hundred well armed; but
they being quartered scatteringly in the town, (excepting about thirty
men that were upon the watch at the corps du garde, near the meeting
-house,) in which respect they could not get together into a body to
repel the enemy, until they were withdrawn and retreated out of the
town; for, as soon as the alarm was taken, those at the main guard
firing a great gun three or four times over, gave the alarm effectually,
insomuch that the Indians saw cause to withdraw on a bridge towards
Sherburne, and firing the bridge impeded the pursuit of the English
soldiers. The enemy drew up in a body on the other side of the river,
and, being secure, vapored and talked high. But the English soldiers
could not get to them, because the bridge was cut off; as is before
mentioned. Before the enemy retreated they burnt about forty dwelling-houses,
which was near half the town, and slew and wounded about twenty persons,
whereof the lieutenant of the town, named Adams, (a person somewhat
severe against the praying Indians) was one; and the same night the
lieutenant's widow, being at Mr. Wilson's, the minister's house, that
stood near the main guard, being upon a bed in a chamber, divers soldiers
and commanders being in the room underneath, Capt. Jacob having a gun
in his hand half bent, with the muzzle upward towards the chamber,
he being taking his leave to be gone to his quarters, by some accident
the gun fired through, and shot floor, mat, and through and through
the body of the lieutenant's widow, that lay upon the bed, and slew
her also; this was a very strange accident, but God is awful in such
tremendous dispensations. This intelligence of burning Medfield coming
to the General Court, and so soon after the burning of Lancaster, occasioned
many thoughts of hearty and hurrying motions, and gave opportunity
to the vulgar to cry out, “Oh, come, let us go down to Deer Island,
and kill all the praying Indians.” They could not come at the
enemy Indians, for they were too crafty and subtle for the English; therefore they would have wreaked their rage upon the poor unarmed
Indians our friends, (had not the authority of the country restrained
them;) for about this time the Council was informed by good testimony,
that about thirty or forty men were entering into a combination, to
convey themselves out to the Island, at Pulling Point, the narrowest
place between it and the main, and to have cut off all the poor Christain
Indians. But the Council sent for two or three of the persons, and
warned them, at their peril, to desist from such a wicked action;
and so the project was frustrated.
There was a paper written by the enemy Indians, and stuck
up in a cleft of one of the bridge posts at Medfield, which being found
by an English
trooper belonging to Captain Gibbs,80 who
brought it to his Captain, the contents whereof
were;
“Know by this paper, that the Indians that thou bast
provoked to wrath and anger, will war this twenty one years if you
will; there
are many Indians yet, we come three hundred at this time. You must
consider the Indians lost nothing but their life; you must lose your
fair houses and cattle.”
This paper was brought to the General Court, wherein may be seen the
pride and insolence of these barbarians at this time. But the great
God and our only Saviour hath for his
name's sake rebuked their rage, and broken them in pieces like
a potter's vessel. To God be all the glory.
About this time, there befell another great trouble and
ewercise to the Christian Indians of Nashobah, who sojourned in Concord
by order;
the matter was this. The Council had, by several orders, empowered
a committee, who, with the consent of the selectmen of Concord, settled
those Indians at that town, under the government and tuition of Mr.
John Hoare; the number of those Indians were about fifty-eight of all
sorts, whereof were not above twelve able men, the rest were women
and children. These Indians lived very soberly, and quietly, and industriously,
and were all unarmed; neither could any of them be charged with any
unfaithfulness to the English interest. In pursuance of this settlement,
Mr. Hoare had begun to build a large and convenient work-house for
the Indians, near his own dwelling; which stood about the midst of
the town, and very nigh the town watch-house. This house was made,
not only to secure those Indians under lock and key by night, but to
employ them and set them to work by day, whereby they earned their
own bread, and in an ordinary way (with God's blessing) would have
lived well in a short time. But some of the inhabitants of the town,
being influenced with a spirit of animosity and distaste against all
Indians, disrelished this settlement; and therefore privately sent
to a Captain of the army,81 that
quartered his company not far off at that time, of whom they had experience,
that he would not be backward
to put in execution any thing that tended to distress the praying Indians; for this was the same man that had formerly, without order, seized
upon divers of the praying Indians at Marlborough, which brought much
trouble and disquiet to the country of the Indians, and was a great
occasion of their defection; as hath been above declared. This Captain
accordingly came to Concord with a party of his men, upon the Sabbath
day, into the meeting-house, where the people were convened in the
worship of God. And after the exercise was ended, he spake openly to
the congregation to this effect “That be understood there were
some heathen in the town,
committed to one Hoare, which he was informed were a
trouble and disquiet to them; therefore if they desired it, he
would remove them to Boston; “to which speech of his, most of
the people being silent, except two or three that encouraged him, he
took, as it seems, the silence of the rest for consent; and immediately
after the assembly were dismissed, he went
with three or four files of men, and a hundred or two of the people,
men, women, and children, at his heels, and marched away to Mr. Hoare's
house, and there demanded of him to see the Indians under his care.
Hoare opened the door and showed them to him, and they were all numbered
and found
there; the Captain then said to Mr. Hoare, that he would leave a corporal
and soldiers to secure them; but Mr. Hoare answered, there was no
need of that, for they were already secured, and were committed to
him by order of the Council, and he would keep and secure them. But
yet the Captain left his corporal and soldiers there, who were abusive
enough to the poor Indians by ill language. The next morning the Captain
came again, to take the Indians and send them to Boston. But Mr. Hoare
refused to deliver them unless lie showed him an order of the Council; but the Captain could show him no other but his commission to kill
and destroy the enemy; but Mr. Hoare said, these were friends and
under order. But the Captain would not be satisfied with his answer,
but commanded his corporal forthwith to break open the door and take
the Indians all away, which was done accordingly; and some of the
soldiers plundered the poor creatures of their shirts, shoes, dishes,
and such other things as they could lay their hands upon, though the
Captain commanded the contrary. They were all brought to Charlestown
with a guard of twenty men. And the Captain wrote a letter to the General
Court, then sitting, giving them an account of his action. This thing
was very offensive to the Council, that a private captain should (without
commission or some express order) do an act so contradictory to their
former orders; and the Governor and several others spake of it at a
conference with the Deputies at the General Court, manifesting their
dissatisfaction at this great irregularity, in setting up a military
power in opposition to the chief authority of the country; declaring
of what evil consequence such a precedent was; instancing the ill
effects of the like practices in England in latter times; urging that
due testimony might be borne against the same, by the whole Court.
The Deputies seemed generally to agree to the reason of the magistrates
in this matter; yet, notwithstanding, the Captain (who appeared in
the Court shortly after, upon another occasion,) met with no rebuke
for this high irregularity and arbitrary action. To conclude this matter,
those poor Indians about fifty-eight of them of all sorts, were sent
down to Deer Island, there to pass into the furnace of affliction with
their brethren and countrymen. But all their corn and other provision,
sufficient to maintain them for six months, was lost at Concord; and
all their other necessaries, except what the soldiers had plundered.
And the poor Indians got very little or nothing of what they lost,
but it was squandered away, lost by the removal of Mr. Hoare and other
means, so that they were necessitated to live upon -clams as the others
did, with some little corn provided at the charge of the Honorable
Corporation for the Indians, residing in London. Besides, Mr. Hoare
lost all his building, and other cost, which he had provided for the
entertainment and employment of those. Indians; which was considerable.
1675, Feb'y 23d. About this time (the General Court then sitting),
there were several motions and applications made to them touching the
poor Christian Indians at Deer Island. Some would have them all destroyed; others, sent out of the country; but some there were of more moderation,
alleging that those Indians and their ancestors had a covenant with
the English about thirty years since, wherein mutual protection and
subjection was agreed; and that it was expedient to search the records
to see and consider that agreement, and whether those Indians had broken
the same, or had deserved to be proceeded against in so harsh and severe
a manner as some proposed; upon which motion the records were searched,
and it was found upon record, as follows.
“At a General Court held at Boston in New England, the 7th of the first
month, 164¾.
Magistrates Present. |
| John Winthrop, Esq'r., Gov'r., |
Simon Bradstreet, Esq'r., |
| John Endicot, Dept. Gov'r., |
William Hibins, Esq'r, |
| Thomas Dudley, Esq'r., |
Thomas Flint, Esq'r., |
| Richard Bolingham, |
Samuel Symonds, Esq'r., |
| John Winthrop, Jun'r., Esq'r., |
Increase Nowell, Esq'r., Sec. |
Deputies Present. |
| Mr. William Hilton, |
Mr. Lowell, |
| Mr. Howard, |
Mr. Henry Short, |
| Mr. Samuel Dudley, |
Mr. Matthew Boyse, |
| Mr. Winsley, |
Mr. Edward Carleton, |
| Mr. Daniel Denison, |
Mr. Willard, |
| Mr. John Tuttle, |
Mr. Hayne, |
| Mr. Joseph Bachelor, |
Mr. Hawkins, |
| Mr. Nicholas Norton, |
Mr. Tyng, |
| Mr. Emanuel Downing, |
Mr. Weld, |
| Mr. William Hathorne, |
Mr. Johnson, |
| Mr. Robert Bridges, |
Mr. Glover, |
| Mr. Edward Tomlins, |
Mr. Duncan, |
| Mr. Robert Sedgwick, |
Mr. Casse, |
| Mr. Edward Sprague, |
Mr. Peter Bracket, |
| Mr. George Cook, |
Mr. Torrey, |
| Mr. Samuel Shepard, |
Mr. Hollister, |
| Mr. Mahue, |
Mr. Ames, |
| Mr. Mason, |
Mr. Joshua Hubard, |
| Mr. Lusher, |
Mr. Stephen Winthrop. |
| Mr. Chickering, |
|
“Wassamequin,82 Nashoonon, Kutchamaquin,
Massaconomet, and Squaw Sachem, did voluntarily submit themselves to
us; as appears
by their covenant subscribed with their own hands here following, and
other articles to which they consented.
“We-have, and by these presents, do, voluntarily and without
any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, put ourselves,
our subjects,
our lands and estates, under the government and jurisdiction of Massachusetts; to be governed and protected by them, according to their just laws
and orders, so far as we shall be made capable of understanding them;
and we do promise, for ourselves and all our subjects and all our posterity,
to be true and faithful to the said government, and aiding to the maintenance
thereof, to our best ability. And from time to time to give speedy
notice of any conspiracy, attempt, or cruel intention of any that we
shall know or hear of against the same. And we do promise to be willing
from time to time to be instructed in the knowledge of God. In witness
whereof, we have hereunto put our hands, the eighth day of the first
month, 164¾.
| |
“MASSANOMIT, |
| |
KUTSHAMAQUIN, |
| |
SQUAW SACHEM, |
| |
NASHOONON, |
| |
WASSAMEQUIN. |
“Certain Questions propounded to the Indians,
and their Answers.
“Q. 1. To worship the only true God, who made heaven
and earth.
“Ans. We do desire to reverence the God of the English,
because we see lie doth better to the English than other gods
do to others.
“Q. 2. Not to swear falsely.
“Ans. They say they know not what swearing is among
them.
“Q. 3. Not to do any unnecessary work on the Sabbath
day, especially within the gates of Christian towns.
“Ans. It is easy to them; they have not much to do
on any day, and they can well take their rest on that day.
“Q. 4. To honor their parents and superiors.
“Ans. 'T is their custom to do so, for the inferiors
to honor their superiors.
“Q. 5. To kill no man without just cause and just authority. “Ans.
This is good, and they desire to do so.
“Q. 6. To commit no unclean lust, as for instance, adulttery, incest,
rape, sodomy, bigamy, or beastiality.
“Ans. Though sometimes some of them do it, yet they
account it naught.
“Q. 7. Not to steal.
“Ans. They said to this as to the 6th quere.
“Q. 8. To suffer their children to learn to read God's word,
that they may learn to know God aright, and to worship him
in his own way.
"Ans. They say, as opportunity will serve, and the English
live among them, they desire so to do.
“Q. 9. That they should not be idle.
“Ans. To which and all the rest they consented, acknowledging them to
be good.
“Being received by us, they presented twenty six fathom
of wampum. And the Court directed the treasurer to give
them four coats, two yards in a coat, of red cloth, and a potful
of wine.83
“This above is a true copy taken out of the record of the General
Court, Book 2, page 64; as attests EDWARD RAWSON,
Secretary.”
The praying Indians, confined to Deer Island, are
the people with whom the above written agreements were made, wherein
subjection and mutual protection are engaged; and these Indians, as
is before declared, made discovery of what they knew of the plottings
and conspiracy of the enemy, before the war began; also most readily
and cheerfully joined with, and assisted the English in the war; as
is before m part touched, and will more clearly appear in the sequel
of this discourse; also they submitted themselves to the laws of God
and the English government, and desiring themselves and children to
be taught and instructed in the Christian religion; and have in all
other points, so far as I know, (for the body of them,) kept and performed
the articles of their covenant above expressed. When the General Court
had read and considered this agreement, it had this effect (through
God's grace) in some degree to abate the clamors of many men against
these Indians.
1675. Before the General Court adjourned, which was not
until the 28th of February, they had voted and concluded to raise an
army
of six hundred
men, to be put under the conduct of Major Thomas Savage,84 as
Commander-in-chief; but the Major was not willing to undertake the
charge, unless he might
have some of the Christian Indians upon Deer Island to go with him
for guides, &c.; for the Major, being an experienced soldier,
well considered the great necessity of such helps in such an undertaking.
The General Court consented to this reasonable motion of Major Savage,
and accordingly ordered that one John Curtis, of Roxbury, (who was
well acquainted with those Indians,) should go down to Deer Island
and choose out six of the fittest men for that service, which he did,
and chose and brought up with him six men, whose names were James Quannapohit,
Job Kattenanit, '(those were the two spies before mentioned,) James
Speen, Andrew Pitimee, John Magus, and William Nahaton. These were
all principal men, faithful and courageous; they were all willing,
and cheerful, and joyful, that they had this call and opportunity to
serve the English under Major Savage, whom some of them had served
under, in the beginning of the war at Mount Hope. These six men, being
fitted and furnished with arms and other necessaries, they were conducted
to Marlborough, from whence the army was to march the first day of
March, 1675/6.
But before the army set forth from Marlborough, there fell
out a matter of trouble and disquiet to them, occasioned by the motion
of
one of
the captains85 of the army,
of whom it hath been once and again declared that he was no lover of
the praying Indians; and because the matter
referreth to one of the six Indians before named, now with the army,
it seems pertinent to my purpose to declare it. Job Kattenanit, when
he returned from the service he had done as one of the spies, obtained
leave from the Council to endeavour to fulfil an agreement he had made
with some of the Christian Indians, among the enemy, particularly with
Joseph Tuckapawilin, minister of the Indian Church, late at Hassanamesit,
and others, to meet them in the woods about those parts, and bring
with them Job's three children again to the English. In pursuance of
this order of the Council, Major Savage did (with the advice and consent
of Major-General Dennison, who was then at Marlborough in order to
despatch away the army) give liberty to Job to go alone from Marlborough
to the place appointed, about Hassanamesit, not above twelve miles
distant, to meet his friends and children; and to bring them in to
the army at the rendezvous at Quabage. Not long after Job was gone
from Marlboro', the captain aforesaid, hearing of it, made a very great
stir at the head-quarters at William Ward's, in Marlborough, where
the army was drawn up in a body in order to their march; and spake
words reflecting greatly upon that action of sending away Job, alleging
that he would inform the enemy of the army's motion, and so frustrate
the whole design. This fair pretence was managed in a mutinous manner
by others of like temper and spirit, insomuch that the army was under
great disquiet; hereby the wisdom and prudence not only of Major Savage,
but of Major-General Denson, was much reflected upon. But they were
fain to calm this storm by gentle means and soft words, and forthwith
ordered to send away Capt. Wadsworth and Capt. Syll, who offered themselves,
with James Quannapohit, to follow Job on horseback, hoping to overtake
him and prevent that which was feared. Accordingly they were speedily
despatched to pursue Job; which had a tendency to compose and qualify
the heats that were begotten upon this occasion. But Wadsworth and
Syll did not overtake Job nor meet him till he was returned to the
army; nor yet did Job meet with his friends, but found signs where
they had lately been; for those poor creatures had shifted their quarters
for fear, because the time was expired that Job promised to meet them,
if lie were admitted. But Job, missing his friends, faithfully fulfilled
his promise in returning to the army, whom he met upon the road about
twenty miles westward of Marlborough; and so proved himself an honest
man, and that those suspicions of him were groundless. I conceive,
had this mutinous practice (that so much reflected upon the chief commander
of the army and authority of the Council) been committed in some other
parts of the world, it would have cost the author of it a cashiering
at least, if not a more severe animadversion; for it was an action
against the order and good discipline of an army, for any private captain
to animadvert (in such a manner) upon the general's actions, done with
consideration and prudence. Those poor Christian Indians before mentioned,
(with Job's children,) although Job could not meet them, yet were met
by Capt. Benamin Gibbs and a small party of horse under his command,
who, scouting in the woods as the army were upon their march to Quabage,
took those poor creatures (supposing they had got a prize); they were
but two men (one very aged),86 three
women, and six children. The soldiers that seized them took from them
all
those few necessaries they had
preserved; as two rugs, two brass kettles, some dishes, and a pewter
cup, that the minister87 had
saved, which he was wont to use at the administration of the sacrament
of the Lord's Supper, being
given him by Mr. Elliot for their use; in a word, the soldiers took
all the little they had, and told many stories concerning them, that
so they might not return their things again. But yet God so ordered
it, that they hurt not their bodies, but brought them in to the General
Savage, at the rendezvous, who understanding they were Job's friends
and his children, he treated them civilly, and forthwith sent them
with a guard back to Marlborough, to be conveyed to Boston. But when
the poor creatures came to Marlborough,
they being quartered there one night or two by the constable's order,
until an opportunity served to send them on to Boston, there came some
people of the town (especially women) to their quarter, some of whom
did so abuse, threaten, and taunt at these poor Christians, and they
being thereby put into great fears, that in the night the minister's88 wife,
and his eldest son, a lad of twelve years old, and another woman, a
widow that had carefully kept and nourished Job's children, with
her daughter, being four of them in all, escaped away into the woods;
the minister's wife left a nursing infant behind her, with her husband,
of about three months old, which affliction was a very sore trial to
the poor man, his wife and eldest son gone, and the poor infant no
breast to nourish it. I heard a prudent gentleman, one Capt. Brattle
of Boston, who was then at Marlborough, (for he heard the people's
taunts and threats to them,) say, that he was ashamed to see and hear
what he did of that kind, and, if he had been an Indian and so abused,
he should have run away as they did. Not long after, this poor minister,
Joseph Tuckappawillin, and his aged father, Naaos, a man of about eighty
years old, both good Christians, with three or four children of the
minister's, and Job's three children, were all sent to Boston, where
they were kept a night or two, and then sent to Deer Island, where
God provided a nurse (among the Indians) to preserve the life of the
sucking infant; and about two months after, his wife was recovered
and brought in by Torn Dublet,89 one
of our messengers to the enemy; but his eldest son before mentioned
died, after he went away
from Marlborough with his mother, conceived to lose his life by famine.
The other widow, who went away at that time, and her daughter, were
also recovered. This widow Job married afterward, not knowing how better
to requite her love showed in nourishing and preferring his three children
when they were among the enemies, and they now lived comfortably together;
so that after all the troubles, sorrows, and calamities this man Job
underwent, (as we have before touched,) God gave him all his children
in safety, and a suitable wife; and vindicated him from all the calumnies
and aspersions cast on him, and by good demonstrations cleared his
integrity and faithfulness to God's cause and the English interest,
and hath made him very serviceable and victorious since, in the war
against the enemy.
One thing I shall further mention, that is of remark, before
I pass the history of the matter. Joseph Tuckapawillin, minister and
pastor
of the church at Hassanamesit before spoken of, while he was at Boston,
and before he was sent to Deer Island, some persons had compassion
on his distressed condition, particularly Capt. Nicholas Page and his
wife, who took him, and his children, and his aged father, to their
house in Boston, and refreshed their bowels with food and other comforts,
and milk to preserve the poor infant's life. This poor man was much
affected with, and thankful for their love. While he was at Capt. Page's,
Mr. John Elliot (his spiritual father in Christ) came to visit him,
with some others formerly acquainted with him, and spake divers words
of comfort to him, suitable to his condition; divers things were spoken
to him and wisely answered by him, which I shall not mention, but one
passage I noted, being present. Said Joseph to Mr. Elliot, '° Oh,
Sir,” said he, '1 I am greatly distressed this day on every side;
the English have taken away some of my estate, my corn, cattle, my
plough, cart, chain, and other goods. The enemy Indians have also taken
a part of what I had; and the wicked Indians mock and scoff at me,
saying, ` Now what is become of your praying to God : ' The English
also censure me, and say I am a hypocrite. In this distress I have
no where to look, but up to God in heaven to help me; now my dear
wife and eldest son are (through the English threatenings) run away,
and I fear will perish in the woods for want of food; also my aged
mother is lost; and all this doth greatly aggravate my grief. But
yet I desire to look up to God in Christ Jesus, in whom alone is my
help.” Being asked by Capt. Page, whether he
had not assisted the enemy in the wars when he was among them; he
answered, “° I never did join with them against the English.
Indeed, they often solicited me, but I utterly denied and refused it.
I thought within myself, it is better to die than to fight against
the church of Christ.” I questioned him many things of the condition
and number of the enemy; he answered, that lie judged they were about
a thousand men; “but,” said he, “the greatest part,
as I conceive, are for peace, and not to hold on the war; and,” said
lie, “shortly they will be in great
straits for food, when the ground-nuts are gone.”
Now we come in order to declare something concerning the
six Indians that went with :Major Savage, to find out the enemy
at Menumesse. There wanted not some who, in their letters
from the army, accused Job of false dealing, and that he had
informed the enemy of our army's coming against them. But neither the
general (Major Savage), nor Mr. Nowel, the minister of the army, intimated
any such matter in their letters to the Council, but rather the contrary;
and, because I was not present with them to observe the actings of
those Indians, I shall content myself with writing the extract of Mr.
Nowell's letter, concerning the carriage and deportment of those six
Indians. This gentleman was the principal minister of the army, a pious
and prudent person, and is minister of God's word at Boston, in New
England. His letter was dated March 26th, 1676; wherein, after salutations
and giving a particular account of the motions of the army, from the
time they went forth until that day, saith he, “I look at it
as a great rebuke of God, that we should miss our enemy as we did,
when we were at Menumesse. If we had hearkened to those six Indians
whom we took from Deer Island, we might have prevented that error.
They have behaved themselves like sober, honest men, since their abode
with us, which hath made me look after them more carefully. At their
first coming to Hadley, the man with whom they quartered allowed them
pork and peas enough, but not bread; lie perceiving they had some money,
made them buy their bread. When they had laid out about 4s. 6d., one
of them told me of it; upon which I spake to the gentlemen, who ordered
the constable to allow them bread, and I did them give 4s. 6d. out
of my own purse, to reimburse what they had expended. And, whereas
some have accused Job for discovering to the Indians our coming forth
with the army, I could easily demonstrate that it was not possible
for him to go to Menumesse to make any such discovery, while he was
absent from Marlborough. But the circumstances of that story are so
many, it would be too long to commit them to writing at present. I
question not Job's uprightness towards the English, and shall make
it out, if the Lord bring me back.” He further adds, in the same
letter, that the Natick Indians took two of the enemy, which being
sullen were slain, and of their advice for pursuing the enemy, which
was not attended, and so the opportunity was frustrated; and several
other passages he relates of them, declaring their prudence, and fidelity,
and courage. Again, in another letter from the same person, dated April
9th, which was about the time of the army's return home as far as Marlborough,
saith he, Our pilots (i. e. the Indians) were labored with to represent
the way to watch [Watchuset?] (where the body of the enemy quartered)
very difficult, before they came to speak before the Council; and had
ill words given them, that so they might be afraid to speak any thing
that should afford encouragement. The poor Indians, our pilots, as
soon as they arrived at Marlborough, were much abused by the townsmen,
insomuch that they were unwilling to go into any house.” Thus
much of Mr. Nowell's letters, touching those six Indians, of whom the
general also gave a good character.
1675/6. In the months of February, March, and April, the
enemy Indians were very violent in their attempts and assaults upon
all the
frontier
English plantations, burning several villages90 or
part of them, and murdering many people in the highways;91 so
that weekly, yea
almost daily, messengers with sad tidings were brought into the Council,
insomuch that the Lord seemed to threaten great calamity to ensue upon
the English nation; for none of our enterprises against the enemy were
blessed with success, and it was groundedly feared and judged that
seed-time and harvest would be greatly obstructed, and thereby occasion
famine to follow the war. These things occasion great thoughts of heart
unto the godly wise, especially such as were at the helm of government;
and the rather because God seemed to put us to shame, and not to go
forth with our arms, but to render our endeavours to quell the rage
and fury of the enemy fruitless. In this conjunction of our affairs,
some made application to the Council, to arm and send forth a company
of the Christian Indians that were at Deer Island, who had manifested
themselves very desirous and willing to engage against the enemy in
this distressing time; particularly Capt. Daniel Henchman, who was
appointed by the Council to look to the Indians at Deer Island, and
to put them upon employ. This gentleman made motions to the Council,
once and again, of his readiness to conduct these Indians against the
enemy; declaring that
he had great confidence in God, that if they were employed
they might, with God's blessing, be instrumental to give check
to the enemy and turn the alarm; testifying that he found them
very willing and desirous to serve the country, and leave their
parents, wives, and children under the English power, which
would be rational security to the English for their fidelity. But
those motions were not accepted at first; for God's time was not
yet come for our deliverance, and the Indian rod had not yet
smarted sufficiently. The people generally distrusted those praying Indians, and were not willing to have any of them employed
to serve the country; which was the principal reason why the Council
complied not with those and former motions of this nature, for many
of the Council were otherwise opposed enough to it. Indeed afterwards
the motion to arm and employ the Christian Indians, was embraced and
put in practice; of which we shall speak in its proper place. But some
other matters previous to it were first done, which I shall now relate.
Mr. Rowlandson, minister of Lancaster, (a pious and good
man,) having his wife, children, and several friends in captivity among
the
enemy,
being surprised at Lancaster as is before touched; himself, and several
other ministers in his behalf, had some time since petitioned the Council
to use what means they could for the redemption of his wife, &c.;
which the Council consented to, and, in pursuance thereof, ordered
Major Gookin to endeavour to procure at Deer Island one or two Indians,
that for a reward might adventure to go with a message to the enemy,
to offer for the redemption of our captives, particularly Mrs. Rowlandson.
But, although the Major went to the Island, and did his utmost endeavours
to procure an Indian to adventure upon this service at that time, yet
could not prevail with any; so the matter lay dormant a good space
of time.
But, on the 23d of March, some friends advised Mr. Rowlandson
to make another petition to revive the former motion; which lie did
that day.
The Council declared themselves ready to promote it, and send a messenger,
if any could be procured. Major Gookin, who stirred up, Mr. Rowlandson
hereunto, was informed that one. of the Indians lately brought down
from Concord, named Tom Dublot, alias Nepponit, had some inclination
to run that adventure; of which the Major informing the Council, they
ordered Capt. Henchman to treat and agree with him, which he accordingly
did, and brought him up from Deer Island some few days after; and he
was sent to Major Gookin's, at Cambridge, where he was, according to
the order of the Council, fitted and furnished for this enterprise;
and had a letter from the Council to the enemy, concerning the redemption
of the captives; and upon Monday, April 3d, he was sent away from
Cambridge upon his journey; and he did effect it with care and prudence,
and returned again upon the 12th of April, with this answer in writing,
from the enemy:
“To Governor and Council in Boston, and people that are
in war with us.
“We now give answer by this one man; but if you
like my answer, send one more man besides this Tom Neppanit, and send
with
all true
heart,
and with all your mind, by two men. Because you know, and we know,
you have great sorrowful with crying; for you lost many, many hundred
men, and all your house, all your land, and woman, child, and cattle,
and all your things that you have lost.” Moreover they add, that
Mrs. Rowlandson and other captives are alive. This was signed by Sam
and Kutquen Quanohit, sagamores, and Peter Jethro, scribe. To this
letter the Council gave answer, tending to abate their pride and insolence;
and sent again Tom Neppanit, and another Indian named Peter Conway,
to move further about the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson and her friends,
which the enemy inclined unto. Those two Indians were sent a second,
third, and fourth time, and some English with them; and at last prevailed
so far, that Mrs. Rowlandson and some others were redeemed, and brought
home about the
Election time following. This treaty about the captives, and
the consequences thereof, had no small influence into the
abatement of the enemy's violence and our troubles, and had
a tendency to dividing them and break their union, and consequently
their strength; for Philip, and some others of the
enemy's chief men, were utterly against treating with the
English or surrendering the captives. But some other of
their principal sachems, that were more inclinable to a reconciliation
with the English, thought that their compliance with
the English about surrendering the captives (especially being
well paid for their redemption) would mollify the Englishmen's
minds in order to a peace. This contest about the treaty,
caused them to fall out and divide. Philip and most of the Narraganset
Indians separated from the inland Indians, and went down into their
own country, and the inland Indians staid about Wachuset mountain;
which was a means under God to weaken and destroy them, as might be
showed, and is in part declared already, in the history of the war
published. This was another piece of service done by our praying Indians;
at least they broke the ice and made way for it, by their first adventuring
to treat with the enemy. Whilst this matter of the redemption of the
captives was in agitation, the assaults of the enemy were frequent
and violent, for the body of them quartered within twenty miles of
the English frontiers of Lancaster, Groton, and Marlborough, and made
daily incursions upon us; and notwithstanding the Council had used
many endeavours, and raised forces and sent them forth, to beat up
their head quarters at Watchusett, all those means proved ineffectual; and the enemy still kept that station, the place being near a very
high mountain, and very difficult to have access to, by reason of thick
woods and rocks and other fastnesses, that our English army thought
it not advisable to hazard themselves in that enterprise. In this juncture
of affairs, the Council at last resolved to arm and send forth a company
of the praying Indians from Deer Island, under the conduct of Samuel
Hunting and James Richardson, the one made a captain, the other his
lieutenant, for this service; these two Englishmen were well acquainted
with those Indians, and persons whom they told. In pursuance whereof
Capt. Hunting had orders and a commission, and did his best endeavour;
but could not (at that time) procure arms for more than forty Indians.
Indeed, those praying Indians had generally arms of their own before
the war began; but they were taken away from them by the English,
and squandered away many of them, as at Marlborough twenty-seven good
arms at one time, before touched; and some taken by Sudbury men at
the falls on Charles River, and detained to this day, and others from
particular persons; those were all taken from them without order, and
upward of twenty arms were taken from them after they were confined
to the Island; those last were part of the arms wherewith they were
now furnished.
Upon the 21st of April, Capt. Hunting had drawn up and
ready furnished his company of forty Indians, at Charlestown. They were
ordered
by
the Council at first to march up to Merrimack river near Chelmsford,
and there to settle a garrison near the great fishing-places, where
it was expected the enemy would come at this season to get fish for
their necessary food; and from this fort to keep their scouts abroad
daily, to seize the enemy; and if they should be overpowered by greater
numbers, their garrison and fort was for their retreat, until assistance
might be sent them. This was the projection of this undertaking at
first; and accordingly matters were prepared, and carriages with provisions
and tools sent away to Merrimack river. But behold God's thoughts are
not as ours, nor his ways as ours :, for just as those Indian soldiers
were ready to march, upon the 21st of April, about mid-day tidings
came by many messengers, that a great body of the enemy, not less as
was judged than fifteen hundred; (for the enemy, to make their force
seem to be very great, there were many women among them, whom they
had fitted with pieces of wood cut in the form of guns, which those
carried, and were placed in the centre;) they had assaulted a town
called Sudbury, that morning, and set fire of sundry houses and barns
of that town, (this town is about eighteen miles from Charlestown,
westerly;) giving an account that the people of the place were greatly
distressed and earnestly desired succor; indeed (thro' God's favor)
some small assistance was already sent from Watertown, by Capt. Hugh
Mason,92 which was the
next town to- Sudbury. These with some of the inhabitants joined, and
with some others that came in to their help,
there was vigorous resistance made, and a check given to the enemy,
so that those that were gotten over the river, to the east side of
the town, were forced to retreat; and the body of the enemy were repulsed
that they could not pass the bridge, which pass the English kept. But
those particulars were not known when the tidings came to Charlestown,
where the Indian companies before mentioned were ready. Just at the
beginning of the Lecture there, as soon as these tidings came, Major
Gookin and Mr. Thomas Danforth, (two of the magistrates,) who were
then hearing the Lecture Sermon, being acquainted herewith, withdrew
out of the meeting-house, and immediately gave orders for a ply of
horse, belonging to Capt. Prentiss' troops, under conduct of Corporal
Phipps, and the Indian company under Capt. Hunting, forthwith to march
away for the relief of Sudbury; which accordingly was put in execution.
Capt. Hunting with his Indian company, being on foot, got not to Sudbury
until a little within night.
The enemy, as is before touched, were all retreated unto
the west side of the river of Sudbury, where also several English inhabited.
Upon
the 22d of April, early in the morning, our forty Indians, having stripped
themselves, and painted their faces like to the enemy, they passed
over the bridge to the west side of the river, without any Englishmen
in their company, to make discovery of the enemy, (which was generally
conceived quartered thereabout.) But this did not at all discourage
our Christian Indians from marching out for discovery, and if they
had met with them, to beat up their quarters. But God had so ordered
it, that the enemy were all withdrawn and were retreated in the night.
Our Indian soldiers, having made a thorough discovery, and to their
great grief, (for some of them wept when they saw so many English lie
dead on the place among the slain;) some they knew, viz. those two
worthy and pious captains, Capt. Brocklebank of Rowley, and Capt. Wadsworth93 of
Milton, who, with about thirty-two private soldiers, were slain the
day before. For Capt. Wadsworth, lying with his company at Marlborough,
being left there to strengthen that frontier, upon the return of the
army; he, understanding that the enemy had attacked Sudbury, took a
ply of his men, about six files, and marched for their relief, with
whom Capt. Brocklebank (who kept quarters at Marlborough) went, taking
this opportunity, as a good convoy, to go to Boston to speak with the
Council. Capt. Wadsworth, being a valiant and active man, and being
very desirous to rescue his friends at Sudbury, marched in the night
with all the speed he could; and his soldiers, being spent and weary
with travel and want of rest, fell into the enemy's ambushment in the
morning; and the enemy, being numerous, encompassed him round, so
that they were generally cut off, except a few that escaped to a mill
which was fortified, but the people were fled out of it; but the enemy
knew not of their flight, and so, supposing the mill to be strong,
they ventured not to attack it. At the same time, Capt. Cutler of Charlestown,
with a small company,94 having
the convoy of some
carts from Marlborough, that were coming to Sudbury, having secured
his carriage at a garrison-house, escaped narrowly from being cut off
by the enemy. The enemy also, at
that time, cut off some English soldiers that were coming down under
the conduct of one Cowell, of Boston, that had been a convoy to some
provisions at Quabage fort.95 But I have too far digressed. Therefore,
to return to the company of our Christian Indians, who, as soon as
they had made a full discovery, returned to their captain and the rest
of the English, and gave them an account of their motions. Then it
was concluded to march over to the place and bury the dead, and they
did so shortly, after, that day, our Indians marching in two files
upon the wings, to secure those that went to bury the dead. God so
ordered it, that they met with no interruption in that work. Our Indians
found only four dead Indians of the enemy, covered up with logs and
rubbish. This service, so faithfully performed by our Christian Indians,
had the effect to abate much, with many, their former hatred of them,
especially at Sudbury, some of the people who had formerly done much
injury to these our Christian friends, whilst they dwelt at Natick,
for some of them know they have taken several things from them, and
never restored them; as guns, utensils for carts and ploughs, corn
and swine, and materials of ironwork belonging to a sawmill, and other
things; their consciences can best witness what they are; and if they
do not make restitution, I fear they will have little comfort at death,
though they please themselves with this notion, that the enemy Indians
robbed and plundered them of such like things; but this will not be
(I contend) a sufficient warrant to wrong the innocent, or rob honest
men, because thieves of the same nation have robbed there. But I name
no persons, but leave the matter to God and their own consciences,
desiring they may repent and make restitution.
From this time forward, our Christian Indian soldiers were
constantly employed in all expeditions against the enemy, while the
war lasted;
and after the arrival of the ships from England, which was in May,
arms were bought to furnish the rest of the able men; and then Capt.
Hunting's company was made up to the number of eighty men; those did
many signal services in the summer, 1676. At Weshakum, and at or near
Mendon, at Mount Hope, at Watchusett, and several other places,96 they
were often made use of as scouts before the army, and at such time
when the army lay still and staid at their quarters; in which scoutings
they took several captives, and slew many of the enemy, and brought
their scalps to their commanders. The particulars of their actions
are too many to mention in this script. I contend that the small company
of our Indian friends have taken and slain of the enemy, in the summer
of 1616, not less than four hundred; and their fidelity and courage
is testified by the certificates of their captains, that are inserted
in the close of this discourse. It may be said in truth, that God made
use oil these poor, despised, and hated Christians, to do great service
for the churches of Christ in New England, in this day of their trial;
and I think it was observed by impartial men, that, after our Indians
went out, the balance turned of the English side; for, after the attack
of Sudbury (at which time our Indians first went forth), the enemy
went down the wind amain; and, about July, one hundred and fifty surrendered
themselves to mercy to the Massachusetts government, besides several
that surrendered at Plymouth and Connecticut. Among those that came
in to Massachusetts with the sachem97 of
Packachooge,98 there were several of those that had been praying Indians,
and went or were
carried away from Hassanamesit; of which I have before spoken.
About the 9th of August, there happened a very sad accident,
relating to the poor Christian Indians, viz. a horrid murder committed
by some
Englishmen upon two squaws, wives
to two of our Indian soldiers, the one named Andrew Pittimee, the captain
of the Indians; and the other his sister (wife to one Thomas Speene99);
and one young woman, and three children, whereof one was a nursing
infant; and all the children of Thomas Speen aforesaid. These two squaws
and their company aforementioned, being allowed (in this time of their
straits for food) by the English authority, went forth to gather hurtleberries,
at a place called Hurtleberry Hill, about four miles from Waterton
mill, within the bounds of that town; where the English, who were about
eleven or twelve in number, and were on horseback, first met those
Indians. There was one Indian man with them, called John Stoolemester,
one that had been bred with the English; they disarmed him of a carbine
belonging to the county, for he was newly come in front the army, and
had not delivered his arms. After they had disarmed this fellow, they
threatened to kill him; but he, speaking English, interceded strongly
for his life, and so they dismissed him, and he came home; but the
squaws being among the bushes not far off, he lost them there; the
English came to them and sat down, and smok'd it where they were, and
exchanged with them bread and cheese for some hurtleberries; and then
the English left the squaws and children, but being not gone a mile,
four of the English left their company and went back to the squaws,
and drove them before them unto the north end of the bill, into a secret
place, and there murdered them all, and stript such as had coats on.
Having committed the murder, these men went to their habitations. The
next day after the squaws were missing, and came not home to their
wigwams, Capt. Pitimee, being then at home, came to Major Gookin at
Cambridge and acquainted him with his fears, that some evil had befallen
his wife, sister, and their company, and desired an order and some
help of Englishmen, two or three at least, to go and search for them;
which being so reasonable a request, it was granted. So he went forth
and searched a day or two, but could not find them; at last, having
procured about fifteen or sixteen Indians and two English, they made
a more strict search, and at last found the dead bodies, not far from
one another, cruelly murdered, some shot through, others their brains
beat out with hatchets; to be short, this murder was afterward discovered,
and the four murderers seized, tried, and condemned, and two of the
four executed, and the other two pardoned by the General Court. This
murder was very much decried by all good men, and it was some satisfaction
that some of them were made examples. I know the murderers pretended
a law to warrant the act, but the juries and judge were not of their
mind in the matter. I know, also, there are some among the English,
that have a very ill conceit of all the Indians, and will not admit
them so much charity, as to think that any of them are sober or honest;
such I shall leave to the Lord, desiring he will give them more charity,
and root out of their hearts the spirit of enmity and animosity. And
it is probable that some. persons will not be wanting to calumniate
our Christian Indians, and object that, notwithstanding all that hath
been said on their behalf, yet they are hypocrites and wicked men,
and will frequently drink and commit other lewdness. To this I shall
answer in few words.
I have good ground to believe, that several of them are
sincere; but I do not say they are all such. And I dare not affirm
for my own
countrymen,
that there are no hypocrites or evil-doers among them. I wish and pray,
that both English and Indians were all better than I fear they are;
't is not my work to judge men's hearts; that belongs to God. Secondly,
I cannot deny but that many of them, especially the younger sort, that
have been and are soldiers, but they are too apt to be overtaken with
drink. I could wish they had not so much example and temptation thereunto
by some English, especially such as have been their fellow-soldiers
in the wars, who are very ready, when they meet the Indians, to give
or procure strong drink for them; and others, for filthy lucre's sake,
sell them strong drink, expressly prohibited by law; indeed, a very
little matter will intoxicate their brains; for, being used to drink
water, they cannot bear a fourth part of what an Englishman will bear.
I have known one drunk with as little as one eighth part of a pint
of strong water, and others with little more than a pint of cider.
I do not plead to justify them in such actions, but endeavour to declare
things as they are in truth. Thirdly, I cannot deny but sundry of the
Christian Indians are not of so good conversation, as Christian religion
requires; which thing is matter of lamentation to all that fear God,
not only in respect of those Indians, but of the English also, among
whom they live; yet, notwithstanding, we may not presently exclude
them out of visible Christianity, but rather endeavour to convince
and reform them, if God please to be instrumental to correct them,
and turn them to God effectually. Whilst men do externally attend the
means of grace, keep the Sabbath, pray in their families morning and
evening, and endeavour and desire to be instructed in Christian religion,
both themselves and children, as the praying Indians do, there is charitable
encouragement and good hope, through grace, that, as God bath wrought
effectually upon some, so he will upon others, in his own time and
according to his good pleasure, that he bath purposed in himself. I
account it my duty not to censure and judge, but to pray for them and
others.
About the latter end of August, 1676, an army was sent
against the eastern enemies, with whom Capt. Hunting and his company
of Indians went, but this army did little against the enemy; but that
which was done, was done by our Indians, who slew two or three of the
enemy, but lost none of their lives, through God's favor.
Again on February 5th, 1676,100 in another expedition to
the eastern part, commanded by Major Waldron, wherein our praying Indians
under Capt.
Hunting bore a part, and some few of the enemy were killed by them;
but their counsel was not attended in that expedition, which if it had
been, as I heard some English in the service say, in probability the
enemy had been greatly worsted at that time. In June, 1677, another
expedition into the eastern parts, among whom were about thirty-six
of our Christian Indians, who in a fight near Black Point, the English
lost about forty men, whereof were eight of our friendly Indians, and
their Lieutenant, James Richardson, was then slain; this was the greatest
loss that our Indians sustained all the war; for in all the former expeditions
our Indians lost but two men.
But I shall pass from this matter, and also from any further discourse
of the military actions of our praying Indians, who to this day, upon
all occasions of scouting in the woods, or any other hazardous services,
are frequently employed as occasion doth present. Now I shall draw towards
a close, only mention some few things concerning those of our Christian
Indians, that have not been employed in the war, being not capable thereof;
some by reason of age, and far the greatest part being women and children.
But yet for religion, these, far the greater part of the religious,
staid at home.
When their able men were for the generality drawn forth
to the wars, the rest, being nearly four hundred old men, women, and
children,
were
left upon Long Island, in a suffering state. It was intended they should
plant corn upon the Islands, and in order thereunto they made some preparations,
expending their labor upon clearing and breaking up ground; but some
English, that lived on those Islands, and had interest there, were unfriendly
to them, and discouraged them. But the authority of the country did
interpose for their quiet; yet the poor Indians were discouraged, and
in want of all things almost, except clams, which food (as some conceived) did
occasion fluxes and other diseases among then;
besides, they were very mean for clothing, and the Islands
were bleak and cold with the sea winds in spring time, and the
place afforded little fuel, and their wigwams were mean. In
this condition of want and sickness they were, after their
men were sent for to the wars, until mid May; then God
was pleased to mollify the hearts and minds of men towards
them, by little and little; partly by the true reports brought
to the General Court, of their distressed estate, and the great unlikelihood
they were to plant or reap any corn at the Islands; and partly from
the success God was pleased to give their brethren, abroad in the country's
service; insomuch that the hearts of many were in a degree changed to
those Christian Indians; and the General Court then sitting passed an
order, giving liberty to remove them from the Islands, cautioning their
order, that it should be done without charge to the country. This liberty
being given, Major Gookin, their old friend and ruler, by the authority
and encouragement of the Right Honorable the Corporation for Gospelizing
the Indians, residing in London, and by authority of the General Court
of Massachusetts in New England, forthwith hired boats to bring them
from the Islands to Cambridge, not far from the house of Mr. Thomas
Oliver, a pious man, and of a very loving, compassionate spirit to those
poor Indians; who, when others were shy, he freely offered a place
for their present settlement upon his land, which was very commodious
for situation, being near Charles river, convenient for fishing, and
where was plenty of fuel; and Mr. Oliver had a good fortification at
his house, near the place where the wigwams stood, where (if need were)
they might retreat for their security. This deliverance from the Island
was a jubilee to those poor creatures; and though many of them were
sick at this time of their removal, especially some of the chief men,
as Waban, John Thomas, and Josiah Harding, with divers other men, women,
and children, were sick of a dysentery and fever, at their first coming
up from the Island; but by the care of the Major, and his wife, and
Mr. Elliot, making provision for them, of food and medicines, several
of them recovered, particularly Waban and John Thomas; the one the
principal ruler, and the other a principal teacher of them, who were
both extreme low, but God had in mercy raised them up; had they died
it would have been a great weakening to the work of God among them.
The most of the Indians continued at this place all the summer, some
few excepted, that scattered to places adjacent, to work for the English
in harvest time. But toward October they removed; some to the falls
of Charles river, and some settled about Hoanantum Hill; not far from
Mr. Oliver's, near the very place where they first began to pray to
God, and Mr. Elliot first taught them, which was about thirty years
since. Here Anthony, one of the teachers, built a large wigwam, at which
place the lecture and the school were kept, in the winter 1676; where
Major Gookin and Mr. Elliot ordinarily met every fortnight; and the
other week among the Packemitt101 Indians,
who were also brought from the Island at the same time, and placed near
Brush Hill,102 in Milton,
under the care of Quarter-master Thomas Swift. This last summer, though
they came up late from the Island, yet they planted some ground, procured
for them by the Major among the English; and so they got some little
corn, and more for work; and their soldiers, that were abroad, had
corn provided by the country for their relations; so that through God's
favor they were pretty well supplied. And in the winter time, about
December, there was abundance of a sort of fish called frost-fish, which
they took with scoop nets and dried great plenty of them. The widows
and the aged had supply of clothing and corn at the charge of the Honorable
Corporation in London, who tenderly and compassionately ordered relief
for such as were in need; and many of the men, who were about home,
got plenty of venison in the winter 1676, for supply of their families,
so that God provided for their outward subsistence. And for religion,
I hope it begins to revive among them. There were seven. places where
they met to worship God and keep the Sabbath, viz. at Nonatum,103 at
Packemit or Punkapog, at Cowate alias the fall of Charles river, at
Natick, at Medfield, at Concord, and at Namkeake, near Chelmsford;
in which places there was at each place a teacher and schools for the
youth at most of them. Mr. Elliot kept his lecture weekly, at Nonantum
and Pakomit, where also Major Gookin kept his courts among them. When
the winter was
over, 1676, and the spring drew on, the praying Indians most of them
repaired to their plantations at Natick, Magunkog, and some planted
at Hassanamesit; but not long after, they withdrew from thence and
gave over tending their corn, for fear of the Maquas, who had been among
Unkas' men, and done some mischief and carried away one of Unkas' sons
prisoners, but he was again released by them. Some of the praying Indians
planted among the English plantations, as at Medfield, Concord, Cambridge,
and Chelmsford, and got supplies by their labor. Before they removed
from Cowate, there was a poor widow woman of the praying Indians, that
went to gather some flags to make mats, about two or three miles. She
being alone, and her company gone before her, home, was met by an Englishman
of Sudbury, named Curtis, who required her to go with him; she being
unwilling, made way to escape from him homeward to the wigwams, but
he outran her, and with his hatchet helve he wounded her very sore in
several places about the head, leaving her all in her blood; but she
being, not mortally wounded (as it proved), made a shift to get to the
wigwams, where she lay by a long time, before she recovered. She knew
not who it was that had offered her this injury; but the man spake
of it himself, and pretended- the woman beat him, and what he did was
in his own defence. It is probable she struggled what she could when
he was beating her.
In the summer, 1677,104 several
of our Indian soldiers were employed; some to scout with Lieut. Richardson
upon the borders of Merrimack,
to watch the motions of the eastern enemy; others were sent to keep
garrison in the east parts, as Cocheco, York, Wells, and Black. Point;
others were sent with a small army to Black Point, where eight of them
were slain, as is before hinted. In September, the Mahawks or Maquas
(contrary to their promises and agreement) came down in small parties
among our praying Indians, and put them into great trouble. A party
of the Maquas took two widow women captives, being at Hassanamesit (one
of their plantations) to make or fetch cider. The same party of Mahawks,
or another party, came down within half a mile of an English house belonging
to Sudbury, and murdered a very honest Indian, named Josiah Nowell,105 who
was going to his [ ]
This man had a wife and four small children. His brother-in-law, James
Speen,
(a
very
pious
man,) parted from him not half an hour before he was slain, appointing
to meet him at a place designated; but the, other came not, and his
brother hallooed for him; yet, notwithstanding, the Maquas met not this
man, but God preserved him. The English sent forth to pursue this
Maquas, With some other Indians, but they could not overtake them. But
the Maquas carried the captives through Hadley, some few days after,
and showed the scalp of the roan slain to the English at Hadley;106 who
Would willingly have redeemed the squaws, but could not prevail with
the Maquas to let them go. About this time, viz. in September, 1677,
our praying Indians, that lived at Natick, built up their forts and
the like, which they did at Pakemit. In this month of September, about
the 19th day, a party of Indians fell upon a village called Hatfield,
near Hadley; they burnt some dwelling-houses and barns, that stood without
the line, and wounded and killed about twelve persons, and carried away
captive twenty English persons, most of them women and children.107 It
was conceived, at first, that this mischief was done by a party of Mawhakes,
because it was done the next day after the Maquas, with the two Indian
captives before spoken of, were carried through the town of Hadley.
But it appeared afterward, by' an English prisoner that escaped from
the enemy, that this party of Indians were about twenty-seven in all,
whereof four were women; who were of the old enemy, and formerly neighbours;
who had fled to the French about Quebec, and were lately come from thence
with the company of another ply of Indians, who were gone toward Merrimack;
for, on the very same day, another ply of Indians, that came from the
French, came to Naamkeke, near Chelmsford; and there, either by force
or persuasion, carried away with them Wannalancet, the sachem, and all
his company, excepting two men, whereof one was the minister, and their
wives and children, and one widow that escaped to the English. Those
that went away were about fifty, whereof there were not
above eight men, the rest women and children; and we never
heard more of them since. It was a matter of scandal and
offence, (to such as are ready to take up any thing to reproach
the profession of religion among the Indians,) that this man,
Wannalancet, who made a profession of religion, should thus go
away, when he was reconciled to the English and well esteemed
generally by them, and had no cause given him for it. But forasmuch
as there may be some reasons given for this man's acting thus at this
time, that may tend to excuse him, of which I have certain knowledge,
I shall here briefly mention them. First, this man had but a weak company,
not above eight men; and those, except two or three, unarmed. Secondly,
he lived at a dangerous frontier place, both for the Maquas, that were
now in small parties watching opportunities to slay and captivate these
Indians, and had lately done mischief a few miles off, as is before
mentioned; on the other side, the eastern Indians, that were in hostility
with the English, might easily have access to this place. Thirdly, he
had but little corn to live on for the ensuing winter, for his land
was improved by the English before he came in. Fourthly, the Indians
that came from the French were his kindred and relations, for one of
them was his wife's brother; and his eldest son also lived with the
French. Fifthly, those Indians informed him, that the war was not yet
at an end, and that he would live better and with more safety among
the French; who, in truth, do much indulge the Indians, and furnish
them whatever they desire, because they employ those Indians to kill
them beaver, and moose, and other peltry, whereby they gain much. These
and other reasons did, in probability, so far prevail to persuade him,
which, together with the force they had to compel him, in case he refused,
so that he went away with them. But they went off quietly, and did no
mischief in the least to the English, which I rationally impute to Wannalancet's
being with them; for he was a person not of a mischievous or bloody
disposition, but of a prudent and peaceable spirit, and, it is like,
was unwilling (so far as he could prevent it) that the English should
receive any injury, or have any just cause of offence, at this time
of his leaving them; because it is not impossible he may, in convenient
time, return again to live with the English in his own country, and
upon his own land; which (as I have observed) the Indians do much incline
unto.
At a Court held among the praying Indians, where was a full meeting
of them, it being also Mr. Elliot's lecture, who was present with Major Gookin
and
some
other English, Waban, the chief ruler among the Indians, in the name of all
the rest, made an affectionate speech to this effect: “We do, with all
thankfulness, acknowledge God's great goodness to us, in preserving us alive
to this day. Formerly, in our beginning to pray unto God, we received much encouragement
from many godly English, both here and in England. Since the war begun between
the English and wicked Indians, we expected to be all cut off, not only by the
enemy Indians, whom we know hated us, but also by many English, who were much
exasperated and very angry with us. In this case, we cried to God, in prayer,
for help. Then God stirred up the governor and magistrates to send us to the
Island, which was grievous to us; for we were forced to leave all our substance
behind us, and we expected nothing else at the Island, but famine and nakedness.
But behold God's goodness to us and our poor families, in stirring up the hearts
of many godly persons in England, who never saw us, yet showed us kindness and
much love, and gave us some corn and clothing, together with other provision
of clams, that God provided for us. Also, in due time, God stirred up the hearts
of the governor and magistrates, to call forth some of our brethren to go forth
to fight against the enemy both to us and the English, and was pleased to give
them courage and success in that service, unto the acceptance of the English;
for it was always in our hearts to endeavour to do all we could, to demonstrate
our fidelity to God and to the English, and against their and our enemy; and
for all these things, we desire God only may be glorified.” Piambow,108 the other ruler next to Waban, spake to the same, giving all glory to the Lord.
After this, upon occasion of an inquiry concerning the messengers sent, in winter
last, to Mohegan, to stir the Mohegans up to pray to God, some English reported,
that those messengers enticed some of the Indian servants, at Norwich, to run
away with those messengers, from their masters; but the messengers utterly
denied any such thing. Waban took this occasion, further to speak to this effect
: “That God knew, that they had done their utmost endeavours to carry
themselves so that they might approve their fidelity and love to the
English. But yet, some English were
still ready to speak the contrary of them, as in this matter
instanced; and in that business at Cocheco, lately, when the
Indians were carried away by the Maquas; yet the English
say, they ran away to the Maquas and were not carried away;
yet,” said he, “I know the governor and magistrates and
many good men had other thoughts of them and more charity
toward them.” To this speech of his, Major Gookin made
this answer: “That Christ in the Gospel teacheth all his disciples to
take up the cross daily. And he himself, though most innocent, and always did
good, yet some said of him, he had a devil; others, that he was an enemy to
Cesar; others, that he was a friend to publicans and sinners, and raised many
other reproaches against him; et he bore all patiently, and referred the case
to God; and' herein we should follow his example. Waban, you know all Indians
are not good; some carry it rudely, some are drunkards, others steal, others
lie and break their promises, and otherwise wicked. So 't is with Englishmen;
all are not good, but some are bad, and will carry it rudely; and this we must
expect, while we are in this world; therefore, let us be patient and quiet,
and leave this case to God, and wait upon him in a way of well-doing, patience,
meekness, and humility; and God will bring a good issue in the end, as you have
seen and experienced.”
There are many other things, that I might have recorded, concerning
these
poor, despised sheep of Christ. But I fear that which I have already written
will
be thought (by some) impertinent and tedious. But when I call to mind, that
great and worthy men have taken much pains to record, and others to read, the
seeming small and little concerns of the children of God; as well in the historical
books of Scripture, as other histories of the primitive times of Christianity,
and of the doings and sufferings of the poor saints of God; I do encourage
my heart in God, that He will accept, in Christ, this mean labor of mine, touching
these poor despised men; yet such as are, through the grace of Christ, the first
professors, confessors, if I may not say martyrs, of the-Christian religion
among the poor Indians in America.
CERTIFICATES.
Major Thomas Savage his Certificate concerning the Praying Indians. |
THESE do certify, that I, Thomas
Savage, of Boston, being commander of the English forces at Mount
Hope, in the beginning of the war
between the English and Indians, about July, 1675, and afterward
in March, 1676, at Menumesse and Hadley. In both which expeditions,
some of the Christian Indians belonging to Natick, &c., were
in the army; as at Mount Hope, were about forty men, and at Menumesse
six men. I do testify, on their behalf, that they carried themselves
well, and approved themselves courageous soldiers, and faithful
to the English interest.
Dated at Boston, the 20th day of December, 1677. |
THOMAS SAVAGE.. |
Captain Daniel Henchman's Certificate concerning
the Praying Indian Soldiers.
|
These may certify, that I, Daniel Henchman, of Boston,
being appointed and authorized by the Governor and Council of Massachusetts,
not only to look unto and order the praying Indians, for some part
of the time that they were confined to Deer Island; but, likewise,
to have the command of several of them as soldiers, both at Mount
Hope, in the beginning of the war, 1675; and also in another expedition,
May and June, 1676, when I had the command of the English forces
at Weshakum, Mendon, and Hadley; in all which time I had experience
of the sobriety, courage, and fidelity of the generality of those
Indians. And this I do testify, under my hand, and could say much
more on their behalf, if time and opportunity permitted.
Dated at Boston, this 29th of November, 1677. |
D. HENCHMAN.
|
Captain Samuel Hunting's Certificate about
the Christian
Indian Soldiers.
|
| These are to certify, that I, Samuel Hunting, of Charlestown,
in New England, being, by authority of the Governor and Council,
appointed commander of the praying Indians living in the Massachusetts
colony, in New England, in the war against the barbarous Indians;
did accordingly command the said Indian company, consisting (when
at the most) of not above eighty men. The said company, with myself,
served the country, in several expeditions, for about one year's
time. In all which service, the said Indians behaved themselves
courageously and faithfully to the English interest; and I conceive,
that the said company did kill and take prisoners above two hundred
of the enemy, and lost but one man of ours; besides about one hundred
persons they killed and took prisoners at other times, when I was
not with them, and they went out volunteers. And, in testimony
of the truth hereof, I have hereunto set my hand, this 13th day
of December, 1677. |
SAMUEL HUNTING.
|
DOCUMENTS
ILLUSTRATING
GOOKIN'S HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN INDIANS.
No. I. - See page 476.
To the Honourable the Govournour and
Councill of the Massachusetts Colony, Assembled at Boston this [ ] of
June 1676:
THE humble petition of Andrew Pittimee,
Quanahpohkit, alias James Rumney Marsh, John Magus, and James Speen,
officers unto the Indian souldiers,
now in your service, with the consent of the rest of the Indian souldiers
being about eighty men;
Humbly imploreth your favour and mercies to be extended
to some of the prisoners taken by us, (most of them) near Lanchaster,
Marlborough, &c
: In whose behalf we are bold to supplicate your Honoures. And wee
have three reasons for this our humble supplication; first, because
the persons we beg pardon for, as we are informed, are innocent; and
have not done any wrong or injury unto the English, all this war time,
only were against their wills, taken and kept among the enemy. Secondly,
because it pleased your Honours to say to some of us, to encourage
us to fidelity and activity in your service, that you would be ready
to do any thing for us, that was fitt for us to ask and you to grant.
Thirdly, that others that are out, and love the English, may be encouraged
to come in. More that we humbly intercede for, is the lives and libertyes
of those few of our poor friends and kindred, that, in this time of
temptation and affliction, have been in the enemy's quarters; we hope
it will be no griefe of heart to you to spew mercy, and especially
to such who have (as we conceive) done no wrong to the English. If
wee did think, or had any ground to conceive that they were naught,
and were enemies to the English, we would not intercede for them, but
rather bear our testimony against them, as we have done. We have (especially
some of us) been sundry times in your service to the hazzard of our
lives, both as spyes, messengers, scouts, and souldiers, and have through
God's favour acquitted ourselves faithfully, and shall do as long as
we live endeavour with all fidelitie to fight in the English cause,
which we judge is our own cause, and also God's cause, to oppose the
wicked Indians, enemies to God and all goodness. In granting this our
humble request, you will much oblige us who desire to to remain
Your Honoures Humble and Faithful Servant
| |
ANDREW PITTIMEE, |
| |
JAMES QUANAPOHKIT, |
| |
JOB, |
| |
JOHN MAGUS, |
| |
JAMES SPEEN. |
The persons we supplicate for, are Capt. Tom,
his son Nehemiah, his wife and two children, John Uktuek, his wife
and children, Maanum
and
her child.
And if the Councill please not to answer our desires in
granting the lives and liberties of all these, yett if you shall please
to grant
us the women and children, it will be a favour
unto us.
In answer to the Petition of James Quanhpohkit, James
Speen, Job, Andrew Pittimee, and Jno. Magus.
CAPT. TOM being a
lawful prisoner at warr, there needs no further evidence for his conviction; yet hee having had liberty to present
his plea
before the Councill why he should not be proceeded against accordingly,
instead of presenting any thing that might alleviate his withdrawing
from the government of the English and joyning with the enemy, it
doth appeare by sufficient evidence that hee was not only (as is
credibly
related by some Indians present with him) an instigator to others
over whom he was by this government made a Captain, but also was
actually
present and an actor in the devastation of some of our plantations; and therefore it cannot consist with the honour and justice of
authority to grant him a pardon.
Whereas the Council do, with reference to the faithful
service of the Petitioners, grant them the lives of the women and
children by them mentioned. And, further, the Councill do hereby
declair, that, as they shall be ready to show favour in sparing the
lives and
liberty of those that have been our enemys, on their comeing in and
submission of themselves to the English Government and your disposal,
the reality and
complacency of the government towards the Indians sufficiently appearing
in the provisions they have made, and tranquility that the Pequots
have injoyed under them for over forty years; so also it will not
be availeable for any to plead in favour for them that they have
been
our friends while found and taken among our enemyes.
Further the Councill do hereby declare that none may expect
priviledge bye his declaration, that come not in and submit themselves
in 14
days next coming.
By the Council, EDW.
RAWSON, Clerke.
No. II. - See page 484.
For the Honourable the Gouernor
and Councill of Massachusetts Colony, in New England.
May it please
your Honours,
I am bold at the intreaty of the wife of John Hoare, of
Concord, to intercede with your honours, on the behalfe of herselfe
and
husband, (who posibly, upon some consideration, may deserve no great
favours
of you,) yet I presume upon arguements of justise and righteousnes;
you will have no respect to persons, but doe that which is equall
and
right. It is upon this account that I move in this case.
It pleased your honours to appoint Major Willard, Mr. Eliot,
and myselfe, as your comittee, to ride up to Concord and Chelmsford,
about the middle
of December last, to endeavour the settlement of the Nashobah Indians,
(then at Concord,) under such care and conduct as might quiet and
compose men's minds in those parts, at that juncture; yourselves
finding, at
that time, a great difficulty in that matter, because the Natick
and Punkapog Indians being then at the Island, when they were attended
with straits for fuelle and victulls, you were not willing to send
more thither; now there was no man in Concord appered willing to
take
care of and secure those Indians, but Mr. John Hoare, whome the
Counsill accepted and approved; and at that time, I remember, Mr.
Hoare moved for two things: first, that hee and his family might
bee free from impressment, and that the country rates, due at that
time, should bee abated him; to which, as I apprehended, yourselves
conceded; and when wee made a more particular settlement and conclusion
of the matter at Concord, hee spake of the same matter, to which
the Cornittee answered, they aprehended that the Councill would
not faile of their promise. This I know, that Mr. Hoare lay'd out
a very considerable matter for the accommodating of the affaire,
I beelieve five times as much as his rates, which is wholy lost
to him; indeed, had the Indians beene continued with him, posibly
they might have repayred his charge; but being taken from him after
six or seven months cumber and care, bee lost much by it. My humble
and earnest request is, that the first payment of eight rates,
due when bee had the Indians under his care, may be remitted to
his wife. This, I conceive, will not bee aboue three or four pounds.
If you please to grant this, my request, I conceive you will doe
a righteous act, and will obleige your seruant, to bee ready to
serve you and the country, when [ ]
made in your name and in order to your service and the countries,
shall
be accomplished.
So, with my humble servise presented,
I
rest your humble servant,
DANIEL GOOKIN, Sen.
Cambridge, 30th of Nouember, 1676.
No. III. - See page 497.
To the Honoured Governor and Councill assembled
at Boston, this 14th of January, 1675.
JOHN HOAR humbly sheweth,
That whereas, on a motion made by myself, by order of
Major Willard, about the Nashoby Indians, viz. That they now do eat
their own bread, which they are still content to do. 2. To help what
they are capable to do, about building of an house sutable for to teach
them in manufactures, which also they are still willing to do according
to their abillities; which is, by the delay of not concluding the busines
before winter, £30 damage to them and me, which I forbear to
relate. 3. That I,
and my family employed therein, should be freed from publique charges,
and also from publique service during this employ. Now the committee,
as you see by their order here inclosed, they have engaged me to see
that they do receive no damage to, or prejudice from the English. For
the Indians doing no prejudice to the English, I hope I shall accomplish
to your honours' satisfaction, with the rest of what is desired respecting
me, only they say that they are under my conduct and ordering. Now
I humbly move to know your honours' pleasure, whether you will be pleased
to give us leave to make our own orders, both for regulating our affaires
and punishing offenders; which, being ratified by yourselves or your
committee, may be our lawfull power in all proceedings. Or whether
you or your committee will give us orders sutable to our society. As
also, what way I shall be directed to save the Indians from the insolency
of the English, being daily threatned to be shott, and one snapt at
thrice at my own dore by a Lankastsheir souldier; or whether, you will
likewise give me leave to propose to you, what I conceive may be a
suitable remedy, which I deem can no wise be offensive or prejudicial)
to any that own themselves subject to the )awes of this Government.
I shall wait for your
answer, still praying that all under you may live a peaceable life,
in all godliness and honesty. As in duty bound,
Your humble servant to be commanded,
JOHN HOAR.
In answer to this petition, the Councill do herby exempt
John Hoare and his family, from being impressed into the country service,
during
such time as bee is employed in looking to the Indians. Secondly, as
for exemption from publike charges, the Councill do not grant it; but
reffer it to the General) Court, to whome bee may apply himselfe; but
if the petitioner, upon expense, do acquit himselfe so in that imploy,
as the court shall see benefitt accrue to the publike by it, they conceiv
the court will consider the petitioner some other way, for his incouragement.
Thirdly, if the petitioner have any thing further to offer to the Councill
or court, for the publik weale and good of the Indians, the Councill
shall be willing to heare it, and give such answer as shall be agreeable
to reason. 15th January, 1675.
Past. EDW. RAWSON, Secretary.
No. IV - See page 518.
1676, November 10th -An account of the disposall
of the Indians, our freinds (pro tempore), presented to the Council
(at their desire)
by Daniel Gookin, sen.
The Punkapog Indians are residing about Milton,
Dorchester, and Brantree, among the English, who employ them (as
I am informed)
to cut cord wood,
and do other labors. These are under the inspection of quarter-master
Thomas Swift; their number, as I conjecture, may bee about one
hundred and seventy-five; whereof 35 men: 140 women and children.
The Naticke Indians are disposed in fower companies, as
followese, vict: one company, with James Rumny Marsh and his kindred,
live
in Meadfield, with the approbation and consent of the English;
these
are in number about twenty-five. 5 : 20.
Another company live neare Natick, adjoyning to the garrison-house
of Andrew Dewin and his sons, (who desire their neighbourhood,)
and are under their inspection; the number of these may be about
fifty
souls. 10 : 40.
A third company of them, with Waban, live neare the falls
of Charles river, neare to the house of Joseph Miller, and not farr
from
Capt.
Prentce. The number of these may be about sixty souls; whereof
are 12 : 50.
A fourth company dwell at Noantum-hill, neare Leift. Trowbridge
and John Coones, who permitts them to build their wigwams upon
his ground.
The number of this company, including some yt live neare John White's,
of Mudy river, and a family or two neare Mr. Sparhake, and Daniel
Champney, and Mr. Thomas Olivers, which are employed by the said
persons to cut
wood, and spin, and make stone walls; being but a small distance
from the hill of Nonatum, where their meeting is to keepe Sabath.
These
may bee about seventy-five souls.
15 : 60.
Among the Natick Indians are to bee reckned such as are
left, which came in with John of Pakchoog; which are not many, for sundry
of that company are dead (since they came in); above thirty are
put out to seruice to the English; three were executed about Tho.
Eames
his burning; about twenty rann away; and, generally, such as remaine
are of those Indians yt formerly (before the war) lived under our
government at Hassanamesit, Magunkog, Marlborouh, and Wamesitt.
The
men belonging to these are not above fifteen, and they are abroad
with the army at the eastward, under Capt. Hunting.
The Nashobah or Concord Indians live at Concord, with the
consent of the English there, and are employed by ym; and are under
the
inspection of the comittee of militia and selectmen of yt towne.
Their number
may be about fifty.
10 : 40.
The Indians that relate to Wannalancet, are placed neare
Mr. Jonathan Ting's, at Dunstable, with Mr. Tyng's consent and under
his
inspection
(when at home); and in Mr. Tyng's absence, the care of them is
under one Robert Parris, Mr. Tyng's bayl. The number of these may
be about
sixty, or more; some of their children are ordered to be put forth
to English service, by the selectmen of Chelmsford and comittee
of militia there. 10: 50.
There are about twenty-five live at or about Ipswich, under
the gouernment of authority there; som of yr children were ordered
to be put to
service; there are about twenty-five.
8 : 17.
Besides these, there are some familys of ym yt live about
Watertown and in Cambridge bounds, under English inspection and neare
ym;
as at one Gate's, at Watertown, two familes; at Justinias Holden,
one
family; at or neare Corprall Humand, two familys; at one Wilson,
at Shawshin, one family. All these may be about forty souls. 7
: 33.
117 men, 450 women and children; and in all 567.
crrlt must not be understood, that this compution of ye number
is exact; they may be a few more or a few less. Also, of the men
there
are above
thirty now abroad, under Capt. Hunting, at the eastward.
All these Indians meet together to worship God and keepe
the Sabath; and have their teachers at six places, viz.: Meadfield,
Andrew
Dewins, at Lower Falls, at Nonnanum, at Concord, at Dunstable.
Mr. HULL,
The Pankapoog Indians, and particularly John Hunt comes
to me (as bee saith from the Councel) to demand their wages for service
done
the
country. Their demand is reasonable and just for ought I know. But
if it bee expected that I should recken with them and the other Indian
souldiers; there are seuerall things must bee done by yourselfe
and the Councill before I am capable to effect it, or audit their
acc'ts, as
1. I must have due certificate of the time that they
have been in the service.
2. An acc't of all the Comissaries, as at Concord, Dedham,
Hadly, Marlborow, and of Corporall Swift or others, what goods, mony,
corn,
or other things they have rece'd, for they are apt to bee receving
every where.
3. I must bee furnished with mony and goods to satisfy
them. Most things that were sent to Cambridge, are delivered already,
exept
som drawers, calico shirts, and shooes, and a small remnant of cotton; and about 20s. in mony.
4. It must be determined what wages they must have, and
whether any that are called officers among them shall be allowed more
than
the
private soldier.
5. It must bee determined whether your demand for scalps
they have brought in, and prisoners they have taken, shall be allowed
one
coat
for a scalpe, and two coats for a prisoner.
These things must bee answered, and resolved, and supplied,
before I can possibly auditt your acc'ts, or pass your debenters;
which
I thinke should bee don with all the convenient speed may bee, for
they are in a needy condition, and their harts are upon their wages;
and yet I conceive when they come to reckon, many of them will be
found to have receaved most of their dues allready. I pray, Sir,
please to impart this my letter to the Counsel and send me an answer
about it, that I may satisfy the Indians, and not put them off with
delayes.
So with my due respects presented to you, I rest
Your
assured freind and servant,
DANIEL GOOKIN,
Sen.
Cambridg, August 14th, 1676.
Notes
PRELIMINARY
NOTICE:
1.
Johnson's “Wonderworking Providence,” Chap. 26.
2. Purchas's Pilgrims,
Vol. IV. p. 1785.
3. Stith's History of
Virginia, p. 205. VOL. II.
4. 2 Winthrop's Hist.
N. England, p. 165. Note by Mr. Savage.
5. 1 Hazard's State Papers,
pp. 474 -491.
EPISTLE DEDICATORY:
1. Now contained in 1 Vol. 1st Ser.
Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc.
HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN INDIANS:
1. For interesting particulars respecting
the Christian Indians on these Islands, see the Rev. Matthew Mayhew's
Brief Narrative, &c. 12mo. Boston, 1604;
and
Experience
Mayhew's
Indian Converts, 8vo. London, 1727. In 1694, Mr. M. Mayhew reckoned
there were “about three thousand” Christian Indians on
Martha's Vineyard and the Islands adjacent.
2. Oneko, as commonly written.
3. Formerly Chelmsford, now chiefly
included in the city of Lowell.
4. Near Nagog Pond in
the present limits of Littleton. See Shattuck's History of Concord.
5. Grafton. In 1764, there
were about 8 families remaining of the
Hassanamesits.
6. Hopkinton.
7. Stoughton. When not otherwise
mentioned, these towns will be
understood to be in the present limits of Massachusetts.
8. “All the buildings in Narraganset,
from Providence to Stonington, a tract of about 50 miles, were burned,
or otherwise destroyed.”-Trumbull, Hist. Con. 1. 351, note. The
place destroyed was doubtless included in this tract, but its name
is not given.
9. This was no doubt true; and no
remark on the contempt, in which the poor Indians were held by men
on so many accounts to be venerated, can be more appropriate than the
following note by Governor Hutchinson. “It seems strange,” says
he, “that men, who professed to believe, that God hath made of
one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth,
should so early and upon every occasion, take care to preserve this
distinction. Perhaps nothing has more effectually defeated the endeavours
for Christianizing the Indians. It seems to have done more : to have
sunk their spirits, led them to intemperance, and extirpated the whole
race.”- Col. Papers, 151. This remark was made upon a passage
in Major Gibbon's instructions, on beingsent against the Narragansets
in 1645, in these words: '1 You are to have due regard to the distance
which is to be observed betwixt Christians and Barbarians, as well
in wars as in other negotiations.”
10. Pokanokets, Philip's people.
11. When Mr. Eliot tried to engage
Philip's attention to religion, the Sachem, taking hold of a button
on the good man's coat, said, he cared no more for his religion than
for that button. - Mather's Magnalia. Mr. Mayhew requested of Ninigret,
chief of the Narragansets, liberty to preach to his people; but the
chief bid him go and make the English good first, and in effect added,
that so long as the English could not agree among themselves what religion
was, it ill became them to teach others. See Life of Ninigret in Drake's
Book of the Indians.
12. To be seen in Hubbard's Narrative and
Hutchinson's History.
13. Potok.
14. Potok appears to have been a
stern warrior chief. We can add but little to the facts concerning him,
in The Book of the Indians. It would seen, according to the author
of “Letters to London,” that he had been taken prisoner
by the forces under Major Talcot; for, after saying that they had
killed the old Queen, Quaiapen, and Stone-wall John, the writer goes
on, “Likewise Potucke, the great Indian counsellor, (a man, considering
his education, of a wonderful subtlety,) was brought prisoner into
Rhode Island.” His residence was near Point Judith, in 1661.
A complaint, signed by him and several others, to the government of
Massachusetts, is on file in the State-House.
15. Usually written Sassamon. In
The Book of the Indians will be found a full account of this singular
Indian; as, besides the facts in Hubbard's and Mather's histories,
the author has given from MS. records all the circumstances relating
to the trial and execution of his alleged murderers.
16. In Middleborough, near Assawomset
Pond. The old chief Tuspequin, whose daughter he married, gave him
lands to settle upon, and he preached for a time to his people.
17. Written at first Wauban,
whose name signified a wind. He was the first chief to profess Christianity,
and entertained Mr. Eliot in his wigwam, at his first going among the
Nipmucks as a preacher in their own language, 28 October, 1648.
18. He was probably called Rumny
Marsh from his having lived about that place, in Chelsea, near Boston.
There has been a place of the same name in Kent, Eng., from time immemorial.
19. The sense being incomplete here,
some part of the sentence is probably wanting, or some word or words
were mistaken by a transcriber. Probably, “their counsel.” Compare
page 445, line 8, and page 447,
line 1.
20. Hence the able men among the
praying Indians at this time amounted to about 156. The old men, women,
and children, were nearly 400, as will be seen elsewhere stated.
21. Capt. Johnson was one of the
earliest emigrants to New England, having been admitted a freeman of
Massachusetts in 1635. He resided at Roxbury, and was elected Commander
of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, (as the corps is now
styled,) in 1667. He was killed at the taking of Narraganset fort,
Dec. 19th, 1675.
22. Oxford
23. In Dudley
24. Mr. Eliot “hired an old
Indian, named Job Nesutan, to live in his family, and teach him his
language.” See Book of the Indians, ii. 111.
25. Called oftener Quanapohit, the
same already noticed.
26. Formerly one town, now two. Seekonk or Seakonk is
Indian.
27. Woonashum was his Indian name.
28. Namumpum, sister-in-law to Philip.
She was now called Weetamoo, and her husband's name was Petananuit,
or Peter Nunuit, as generally pronounced.
29. Wheeler in his narrative says
eight, and gives their names, as follows : Zachariah Philips of Boston,
Timothy Farley of Bilerica,
Edward Coleborn of Chelmsford, Samuel Smedly of Concord, Sydrach Hopgood
of Sudbury, Sergeant Ayres, Sergeant Joseph Pritchard, and
Corporal John Coy of Brookfield. Mr. Hubbard states the right number,
but in the “Letter to London,” [p. 20, Drake's edition,]
sixteen are said to have been killed “at once.”
30. This valuable narrative, which
appears to have been unknown to the historian Hutchinson, was reprinted
in 1827, by the New Hampshire Historical Society, in the second volume
of their Collections.
31. He died 10th December, the next
year, 1676.- Farmer.
32. Namely, 19th August. From Brookfield
he was carried to Marlborough, where he died. He was an ancestor of Governor
Hutchinson, the historian.
33. Major Simon Willard was an active
officer during this war until his death, which took place 24th April,
1676, at Charlestown, where he was then holding a court.
34. So obnoxious were the friends
of the “Praying Indians” to the mass of the people, that
Gookin said on the bench, while holding a Court, that he was afraid to
go along the streets; and the author of “A Letter to London,” says, “that
his (Gookin's) taking the Indians' part so much, had made him a by-word
among men and boys.”
35. Captain Samuel Mosely. - Letter
to London.
36. About 21st August, 1675, “Capt.
Mosely took two Indians, the father and his son, and willing to examine
them both apart, proceeded thus : Took the old man and bound him to
a tree; after he was so bound, he sent away the son by a file of men
out of sight; the old man there confessed he was a praying Indian,
and that he was only hunting for deer thereabouts, but said his son
was one of those men that wounded Capt. Hutchinson. So then, after
they had pumped him as hard as they could, they fired a gun with no
bullet in it over his head, untied him, and sent him another way with
a file out of sight; then brought they his son, bound in like manner;
they telling him that they had shot his father, and would shoot him
also, if lie would not confess what he was and what he knew. He fairly
told them he was a praying Indian, but his father made him go with
him to the Nipmoog Indians, and that there they shot three or four
times apiece; whereupon they then brought the old man and tied him
to his son, and examined them together; at length they confessed they
were both among the Nipmoogs, and that the son did wound Capt. Hutchinson.
After their examination they were both shot to death.” - Letter
to London, Drake's Ed.
37. They were both shot, as would
seem by the authority cited in the last note.
38. His Indian name was Monoco. -See
Book of the Indians.
39. “But so it was, says the
author of the Letter to which we have so often referred, “that,
by one and two at a time, most of these eight Indians (and four more
sent afterwards on the same account) were let loose by night, which
so exasperated the commonalty, that about the 10 Sept., at nine o'clock
at night, there gathered together about forty men, (some of note,)
and came to the house of Capt. James Oliver. Two or three of them went
into his entry to desire to speak with him, which was to desire him
to be their leader, and they should join together and go break open
the prison, and take one Indian out thence and hang him. Capt. Oliver,
hearing their request, took his cane and cudgelled them stoutly, and
so for that time dismissed the company.”
40. But by the authority last cited
it seems blood was shed, and yet it is difficult to conceive that Mr.
Gookin should omit to notice it. After relating what has been given
in the preceding note concerning the mob and Capt. Oliver, that author
says, “However, an order was issued out for the execution of
that one (notorious above the rest) Indian, and accordingly he was
led by a rope about his neck to the gallows. When he came there, the
executioners (for there were many) flung one end over the post, and
so hoisted him up like a dog, three or four times, he being yet half
alive and half dead. Then came an Indian, a friend of his, and with
his knife made a hole in his breast to his heart, and sucked out his
heart's blood; being asked his reason therefor, his answer, 'Umh,
Umh nu; me stronger as I was before. Me be so strong as me and
he too. He be ver strong man man fore he die.' Thus with one dog-like
death (good enough) of one poor heathen, was the people's rage laid
in some measure.”
41. With these messengers was sent
the following letter: 'This our writing or safe conduct doth declare,
that the governor and council of Massachusetts do give you and every
of you, provided you exceed not six persons, free liberty of coming
unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut. T. Henchman,
at Naamkeake, and there to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookin, and Mr.
John Eliot, whom you know, and [whom] we will fully empower to treat
and conclude with you upon such meet terms and articles of friendship,
amity, and subjection, as were formerly made and concluded between
the English and old Passaconaway, your father, and his sons and people; and for this end we have sent these messengers [ ]
to convey these unto you, and to bring your answer, whom we desire
you
to treat
kindly,
and speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in
Boston, 1 Oct. 1675. Signed by order of the Council.
John
Leverett, Gov'r.
Edw.
Rawson, Sec'r.”
42. The same as Naamkeake, since
called Amoskeag, now in Hookset, New Hampshire.
43. Pennakook, since Concord, N.
H.
44. “One much conversant with
the Indians,” says Mr. Hubbard, “about Merrimack river,
being Anno 1660, invited by some Sagamores or Sachems to a great dance,
Passaconaway, the great Sachem of that part of the country, intending
at that time to make his last and farewell speech to his children and
people, that were then all gathered together, to whom he addressed
himself,” &c. The speech is, in substance, as
related in the text.
45. Wannalanset was about fifty-five
years of age in 1674; always friendly to the English, but unwilling
to be importuned about adopting their religion. When he had got to
be very old, however, he submitted to their desires in that respect.
When he had brought his mind to believe in Christianity, he is reported
to have said, “I must acknowledge 1 have all my days been used
to pass in an old canoe, and now you exhort me to change and leave
my old canoe, and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been
unwilling; but now I yield up myself to your advice
46. The same who was killed by the
Indians afterwards, 27th June, 1689, in his own garrison-house at Dover,
N. H. See Belknap's History of New Hampshire, (Farmer's ed.)
47. On his return after the war,
he called on the Rev. Mr. Fisk of Chelmsford, and, among other inquiries,
wished to know whether
Chelmsford had suffered much during the war; and being informed that
it had not, and that God should be thanked for it, Wannalanset replied, “Me next”- Allen's History
of Chelmsford.
48. Beginning of July.
49. The same as Punkapog, Stoughton.
50. Part of Woodstock.
51. Captain James Oliver. See note 39.
52. The account, given by the author
of the “Letter to London,” of this affair, differs materially,
as will be seen by reference to a previous note (39).
53. Northfield.
54. Dr. Belknap, Hist. N. H., page
79, note, (Farmer's ed.), mentions “a MS. journal, found in Prince's
collection, and supposed to have been written by Captain Lawrence Hammond
of Charlestown.”
55. The same probably, who was one
of the captains in the Narraganset fight, 19th Dec. 1675, and who fell
sick and died, from the severity
of the season, as is supposed.
56. In Worcester and Ward.
57. Same as Quabaog, or Brookfield.
58. Stoughton
59. A name variously written, and
very often beginning with an N. He was son of Tahattawan, Sachem of
Musketaquid, since Concord.
60. Probably near the present site
of the United States Arsenal.
61. Tantamous was his Indian name.
-See Shattuck's History of Concord.
62. He was taken 9th June, and after
lying in prison in Boston until the 22d following, was hanged, and
another at the same time. One
of our anonymous authors remarks; “They both died (as is to
be hoped) penitent, praying to God, not like the manner of the heathen.”
63. Hutchinson (from Mr. Eliot) writes
the name of this Indian Tuppukkoowelin.
The Apostle considered him a sound and godly man.
64. In Dudley. Spelt in another page
Chobonokonomum.
65. “When our army marched
to Wachusett, and a soldier was ready to shoot at three Indians, a
child with them in the habit of an Indian papoos, the child at the
very instant crying out he was an English boy, the soldier forbore
to shoot, and so the child ran to the English and
escaped.”-MS. Narrative, Rev. T. Cobbet.
66. See Hubbard's Narrative, p. 45
67. This was the distinguished Sachem
of Concord. His name is sometimes spelled Attawan, Attawance, Tahattance.
This family were among the most distinguished Christian Indians.
-See Shattuck's Hist. of Concord.
68. Numphow was a very considerable
man among the Wamesits. Two of his sons joined the enemy, who, on submitting
again to the
English, barely escaped with their lives. - See Book of the Indians.
69. This gentleman was one of those
whom prejudice did not blind. He was of Concord, and died 2 April,
1701. He was one of the original purchasers of that town. He removed
from Scituate to Concord in 1659 or 1660. - Deane's History of
Scituate,
p. 285.
70. Sometimes written Betokom.
He had been with the enemy, and was pardoned. In 1685 he was among
the
Pennakooks, and was one of the fifteen who petitioned governor Cranfield
for protection against the Mohawks. His name is written to that letter Simon Detogkom.
This letter, with three others, is appended to Belknap's New Hampshire.
71. There is no difference of opinion
now among historians, nor was there among those who wrote at the time,
concerning the date of the memorable Swamp Fight. Not writing until
the next year, Mr. Gookin probably set it down from recollection, and
thus made an error of eight days.
72. The name of this place is variously
written. Mrs. Rowlandson has it Wenimesset. It was in New Braintree.
In the Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. it is spelt Menemesseg.
73. This name, according to Roger
Williams, signifies sea.
74. A small tribe on the borders
of Weshakom Pond, in Sterling.
75. This valuable document is printed
in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. VI. 205 et seq.
76. This sachem fell into the hands
of the English and was hanged. See Book of the Indians, iii. 80.
77. “Job and he pretended to
go out a hunting, killed three deer
quickly, and, perceiving they were dogged by some other Indians, went
over pond and lay in a swamp till before day; and, when they had
prayed together, he run away.” - Cotton MSS.
78. Captain Samuel Wadsworth, of
Milton, who, in April following, fell in Sudbury fight, with about
fifty of his men. -Holmes's Annals of America, I. 380. The particulars
of that affair are touched upon by our author, as will be seen further
on.
79. Medfield
80. Captain Benjamin Gibbs.
81. Captain Mosely.
82. For an account of this, and most
of the other chiefs here named, see Book of the Indians.
83. The following is the entry made
by Governor Winthrop in his Journal, relating to this matter. “At
this Court, Cutshamekin and Squaw Sachem, Mascononomo, Nashacowan and
Wassamagoin, two Sachems near the great hill to the west, called Wachusett,
came into the Court, and, according to their former tender to the governor,
desired to be received under our protection and government, upon the
same terms that Pumham and Socononoco were; so, we causing them to
understand the articles and all the ten commandments of God, and they
freely assenting to all, they were solemnly received, and then presented
the Court with twenty six fathom more of wampom; and the Court gave
each of them a coat of two yd's. of cloth, and their dinner; and to
them and their men, every of them, a cup of sack at their departure; so they took leave and went away.”- History of New England,
If. 156.
84. For an account of this good officer
and gentleman, see Farmer's Register, and Mr. James Savage's Notes
to Winthrop's Journal.
85. Mosely
86. Naoas.
87. Tuckapawillin, son of Naoas.
88. Tuckapawillin.
89. He was very successful in negotiating
with the Nipmuks. In The Book of the Indians is given his biography,
under the name of Nepanet.
90. Warwick, Lancaster, Medfield,
Weymouth, Groton, Marlborough, Rehoboth, Providence, and many other
places were among those destroyed or damaged.
91. “May 3, at Haverhill and
Bradford, a small company of Indians killed two men, and carried away
a man and woman and five children captive.” -1. Mather,
28.
92. He was of Watertown; freeman,
1635; representative in the General Court for ten years; died, 1678.
93. The monument which now marks
the place of this fight, was erected by a son of Capt. Wadsworth,
who was President of Harvard College.
94. Consisting of eleven, according
to Mr. Hubbard.
95. For an interesting account of
the Sudbury battle, see G0 Letters to London,” (republished by
Mr. Drake.)
96. Of which Dedham was one.
97. Sagamore John.
98. Partly in Worcester and partly
in Ward.
99. For particulars respecting the
families of Speen, see Biglow's History of Natick and The Book of the
Indians.
100. Old style must be understood;
according to which the new year did not begin until 25th March.
101. Or Punkapog, since Stoughton.
102. Still known by the same name.
103. Before written by the author
Hoanantum. Hutchinson, I. 163, has Noonanetum.
104. We have no particulars of this
affair; and, according to Williamson, History of Maine, I. 552, a treaty
had been made in August before, and it would seem, that all was now
tranquil.
105. The Mohawks had been urged by
agents, sent by the authorities of Massachusetts, to come down upon
the New England Indians. This murder was probably among the first fruits
of that misguided policy.
106. “The lands bordering on
Connecticut river, which are now in the towns of Northampton, Hadley,
and Hatfield, were first known by the Indian name Nonotuck.”-
Williams's Sketch of Northampton, p. 6.
107. See Hubbard's History of
New England, p. 686.
108. Otherwise written Piam Boohan.
109.